IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


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Hiotographic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14580 

(716)  873-4903 


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CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/ICIViH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiques 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notes/Notes  techniques  et  bibliographiques 


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which  may  alter  any  of  the  images  in  the 
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the  usual  method  of  filming,  are  checked  below. 


□   Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  coulaur 


[~n   Covers  damaged/ 


D 


D 


D 


D 


Couverture  endommag^e 


Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Couverture  restaurie  et/ou  peliiculAe 


r~1   Cover  title  missing/ 


Le  titre  de  couverture  manque 


|~n   Coloured  maps/ 


Cartes  gAographiques  en  couleur 


□   Coloured  ink  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black)/ 
Encre  de  couleur  (i.e.  autre  que  bleue  ou  noire) 

□   Coloured  plates  and/or  illustrations/ 
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□    Bound  with  other  material/ 
ReliA  avec  d'autres  documents 


Tight  binding  may  cause  shadows  or  distortion 
along  interior  margin/ 

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II  se  peut  que  certaines  pages  blanches  ajouties 
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mais.  lorsque  cela  Atait  possible,  ces  pages  n'ont 
pas  At*  filmies. 

Additional  comments:/ 
Commentaires  supplAmentaires; 


L'Institut  a  microfilm*  te  meilleur  exemplaire 
qu'il  lui  a  iti  possible  de  se  procurer.  Les  details 
de  cet  exemplaire  qui  sont  peut-Atre  uniques  du 
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une  image  reproduite,  ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  une 
modification  dans  la  mithode  normale  de  fiimage 
sont  indiquis  ci-dessous. 


□   Coloured  pages/ 
Pages  de  couleur 

□   Pages  damaged/ 
Pages  endommagdes 

□    Pages  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Pages  restauries  et/ou  pellicul6es 

r~~|    Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 


D 


This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  fiim6  au  taux  de  reduction  indiquA  ci-dessous. 


Pages  dicolories,  tacheties  ou  piqudes 

Pages  detached/ 
Pages  ditach^es 

Showthrough/ 
Transparence 

Quality  of  prir 

Quality  inigaie  de  I'impression 

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Comprend  du  materiel  supplimentaire 

Only  edition  available/ 
Seule  idition  disponible 


I     I  Pages  detached/ 

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I      I  Quality  of  print  varies/ 

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r~~|  Only  edition  available/ 


Pages  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
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ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Les  pages  totalement  ou  partiellement 
obscurcies  par  un  feuillet  d'errata,  une  pelure, 
etc.,  ont  M  fiim^es  i  nouveau  de  fapon  h 
obtenir  la  meilleure  image  possible. 


10X 

14X 

18X 

22X 

26X 

30X 

1 

J 

12X 

16X 

2DX 

24X 

28X 

32X 

The  copy  filmed  here  he*  been  reproduced  thenkt 
to  the  generoeity  of: 

Library  of  the  Public 
Archives  of  Canada 


L'exemplaire  film*  f ut  reproduit  grAce  A  la 
gAniroeM  de: 

La  bibliothAque  des  Archives 
publiques  du  Canada 


The  imeges  appearing  here  are  the  best  quality 
possible  considering  the  condition  and  legibility 
of  the  original  copy  and  in  keeping  with  the 
filming  contract  specifications. 


Original  copies  in  printed  paper  covers  are  filmed 
beginning  with  the  front  cover  and  ending  on 
the  last  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, or  the  back  cover  when  eppropriate.  All 
other  original  copies  are  filmed  beginning  on  the 
first  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, and  ending  on  the  last  page  with  a  printed 
or  illustrated  impression. 


Les  images  sulvantes  ont  ttS  reproduites  avec  le 
plus  grand  soin,  compte  tenu  de  la  condition  at 
de  la  nettet*  de  l'exemplaire  film*,  et  en 
conformity  avec  les  conditions  du  contrat  de 
filmage. 

Les  exemplaires  originaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
papier  est  imprimis  sont  filmAs  en  commengant 
par  le  premier  plet  et  en  terminant  soit  par  la 
darnlAre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration,  soit  par  le  second 
plat,  salon  le  cas.  Tous  les  autres  exemplaires 
originaux  sont  filmte  en  commen9ant  par  la 
premlAre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration  et  en  terminant  par 
la  derniire  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 


The  last  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
shall  contain  the  symbol  — h^  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  the  symbol  V  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  applies. 


Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparaftra  sur  la 
dernlAre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbols  — ►  signifie  "A  SUIVRE",  le 
symbols  y  signifie  "FIN". 


Maps,  plates,  charts,  etc.,  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


Los  cartes,  pisnches.  tableaux,  etc..  peuvent  Atre 
filmte  A  des  taux  de  reduction  diffArents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  Atre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  clichA.  11  est  filmA  A  partir 
de  I'angle  supArieur  gauche,  de  gauche  A  droite. 
et  de  heut  en  bes.  en  prenent  le  nombre 
d'images  nAcessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mAthode. 


1 

2 

3 

32X 


1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

THE  ARGUMENTS 


m  FAVOR  or 


THE    INTERNATIONAL 


SUBMARINE  TELEGRAPH, 


IN  THE  SENATE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


PREPARED  BY  RICHARD  SUTTON,  REPORTER. 


WASHINGTON: 
JPRINTfiD  AT  THE  CONGRESSIONAL  GLOBE  OFFICE. 

1867. 


I] 


♦  • 


On  Tuesdf 
Mr.  Seward 
ate,  and  it  w 
the  PresidenI 
to  the  Senate 
concerning  t 
pects  of  a  pi 
marine  wirce 
continent  an( 
on  the  7th  of 
Senate  a  re; 
which  was  n 
Office  and  Pt 

On  the  9th 
leave  to  intrc 
tfilegraphic  < 
Government 
read  twice,  a 
Post  Office  a 
January,  it  \ 
without  ame 
the  Senate  p 

The  bill  f 
in  the  discre 
President  of 
with  any  coi 
lion,  for  the 
down  a  sul 
telegraphs  b 
and  the  coas 
mibmarine  c 
tJie  Govern  n 
u;rms  and  ci 
dent  just  an 
vided  thatth 
before  or  at  i 
iract  for  tlio 
persons,  or  i 
equality  wit 
States;  and 
such  subnia 
shall  be  iixe< 
of  the  Unite< 
Britain,  or 
States  is  to  ( 


INTERNATIONAL  SUBMARINE  TELEGRAPH. 


<  ► 


Om  Tuesday,  the  23d  day  of  December,  1856, 
Mr.  Seward  submitted  a  resolution  to  tin;  Sen- 
ate, and  it  was  unanimously  adopicd,  requi.'.sting 
the  President  of  the  United  States  to  commonir.ate 
to  the  Senate  such  information  as  he  mizht  have 
concerning  the  present  condition  and  the  pros- 
pects of  a  proposed  plan  for  connecting  by  sub- 
marine wires  the  magnetic  telcgra[)h  lines  on  this 
continent  and  Europe.  The  President  in  reply, 
oi)  the  7th  of  January,  1857,  transmitted  to  the 
S<,'nate  a  report  from  the  Secretary  of  State, 
which  was  referred  to  the  Committee  en  the  Post 
Office  and  Post  Roads. 

On  the  9th  of  January,  Mr.  Seward  obtained 
leave  to  introduce  a  bill  (S.  No.  493)  to  expedite 
telegraphic  communication  for  the  use  of  the 
Government  in  foreign  intercourse;  wliich  was 
read  twice,  and  referred  to  the  Committee  on  the 
Post  Office  and  Post  Roads;  and  on  the  13th  of 
January,  it  was  reported  back  by  Mr.Coi.LAMER 
without  amendment.  On  the  31st  of  January, 
the  Senate  proceeded  to  its  consideration. 

The  bill  provides  thai  the  Secretary  of  State, 
in  the  discretion  and  under  the  direction  of  the 
President  of  the  United  States,  may  contract 
with  any  competent  person,  persons,  or  associa- 
tion, for  the  aid  of  the  United  States  in  laying 
down  a  submarine  cable  to  connect  existing 
telegraphs  between  the  coast  of  Newfoundland 
iind  the  coast  of  Ireland,  and  for  the  use  of  such 
mibmarine  communication  when  established,  by 
tJie  Government  of  the  United  States,  on  such 
u.-rms  and  conditions  as  shnll  seem  to  the  Presi- 
dent just  and  reasonable.  It  is,  however,  pro- 
vided that  the  Government  of  Great  Britain  shall, 
before  or  at  the  same  time,  enter  into  a  like  con- 
tract for  those  pi-poses  with  the  same  person, 
persons,  or  association,  and  upon  terms  of  exact 
equality  with  those  stipulated  by  the  United 
States;  and  that  the  tariff  of  prices  for  the  use  of 
such  submarine  communication  by  the  public 
shall  be  fixed  by  the  Secretary  o'  the  Treasury 
of  the  United  States  and  the  Government  of  Great 
Britain,  or  its  authorized  agent.  The  United 
States  is  to  enjoy  the  use  of  this  submarine  tele- 


graph communication  for  a  period  of  fifty  years, 
on  the  same  terms  and  conditions  which  shall  be 
stipulated  in  favor  of  the  Government  of  Great 
Britain,  in  a  contract  to  bo  entered  into. 

Attb"  request  of  Mr.  Cullamkr, the  documents 
transr...aed  to  the  Senate  by  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  in  response  to  Mr.  Seward's  res- 
olution of  the  23d  of  December,  were  read,  as 
follows: 

To  Ike  Senate  of  the  United  States! 

In  compliance  witli  a  reaoliitinn  of  the  Scnato  of  the  '£i(i 
instant,  requusting  tlio  President  to  cnmmunicate  '■  to  tbn 
Bnnate,  if  not  inconipatible  witli  tlie  public  interest,  such 
infnnnatioii  as  he  may  hiivu  concerning  tlie  present  condv- 
tion  and  prospcnt:<  of  n  propoiied  plan  for  connecting,  by 
i-ubmarinc  wiri>j,thc  magnetic  ti^lcgruphic  lines  on  tbis  con- 
tinent and  Europe,"  I  transmit  th<!  accompanying  report 
froifi  the  Secretarv  of  State. 

FRANKLIN  PIERCE. 

VVashisoton,  Decemler  '29,  ltf56. 

I»'.PARTMKST  OF  STATK, 

VVasm'.4oton,  December  36,  Itiiifi. 
Tlin  Secretary  of  ritiitf.  lo  wlioiu  was  referred  tlie  reso- 
lution of  the  Senate  of  the  -Jlid  instant,  requesting  the  Presi- 
d(tnt "  to  communicate  to  the  Senate,  if  not  incompatible 
with  the  public  intererit,  Kiich  information  as  be  may  have 
concerning  tlie  pri^scnt  condition  and  prospects  of  a  proposed 
plan  lor  connecting,  by  submarine  wires,  the  mignetictcH- 
graph  lin<!9  on  thi^  continent  and  Europe,"  has  the  honor 
to  lay  before  the  President  a  copy  of  a  letter  of  the  ISth 
instant,  AViiich  h<!  hiix  also  reti'rred  to  this  DcparUneiit, 
addressed  to  him  by  the  pit:!!iil(>.nt  and  directors  of  ttie 
New  York,  Ncwtbundlund,  and  Loudon  Telegraph  Coia- 
pany. 

W.  L.  MARCY. 
To  the  Presidknt  of  tlie  United  States. 

UpriCE  OF  Tlie  New  York,  NEwrouNOLAND, 

AND  London  Teleorapu  Cohpant, 
New  York,  December  15, 1856. 
Sir:  The  undersigned,  directors  of  the  New  York,  New- 
foundland, and  London  Telegraph  Coiapauy,  have  tlK 


honor  to  inrorm  you  that  contractfi  linve  been  mnde  fbr  the 
manufiicture  of  the  gubmarinc  telegraphic  cable  to  connect 
Uio  continent*  of  Europe  aud  America ;  and  that  it  is  ex- 
pected to  have  the  line  bctwpcn  New  York  and  London 
open  for  business  by  the  4th  of  July,  1857.  A  communica- 
tion  to  ttiis  effect  having  been  laid  before  the  Lords  Com- 
mijaioncrs  of  her  Dritaiinic  Mi^esty's  Tie  isury,  elicited  a 
reply,  of  which  we  have  now  the  honor  to  submit  to  you 
an  ojlcial  copy,  Just  received  by  the  United  States  mail 
steamship  Atlantic,  from  Cyrus  W.  Field,  Esq.,  vice  pros- 
iw^t  of  this  company.  As  the  work  has  been  prosecuted 
thus  (hr  with  American  capital,  aided  by  the  eflbru  of  your 
Administration  to  ascertain  the  feasibility  of  the  enter- 
prise, it  is  the  earnest  denire  of  the  directors  to  secure  to 
the  Government  of  the  United  States  equal  privileges  with 
those  stipulated  for  by  the  British  Oovernment.  To  this 
desire  the  Lords  CommissioncrB  of  the  Treasury  have  ac- 
ceded in  the  most  liberal  spirit,  by  providing  '■  TImt  the 
British  Government  shall  have  a  priority  in  the  convey- 
ance of  their  messages  over  all  others,  subject  to  the  ex- 
ception only  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  in 
the  evn\t  of  tlieir  entering  into  an  arrangement  with  the 
telegraph  company  similar  in  principle  to  that  of  the  Brit- 
ish Government,  in  which  case  the  messages  of  the  two 
Governments  shall  have  priority  in  the  order  in  whicli  they 
arrive  at  the  stations."  In  view  of  the  great  international 
interests  of  this  Government,  and  the  constant  recurrence 
of  grave  questions,  in  the  solution  of  which  timt-  nill  be 
an  eMential  element,  we  cannot  doubt  that  the  reservatiim 
mai::.  <•!  I',  'orof  the  United  States  will  he  dcnmcd  of  gr°at 
tr'.Miiii'.  We  therefore  hasten  to  communicate  the  facts 
to  }>  :<  and  to  request,  in  view  of  the  Act  that  the  present 
i  c-u^ .08*  will  soon  terminate  its  existence,  and  tliat  the 
cable  will  be  laid,  if  no  accident  prevents,  before  the  new 
Congress  commences  its  session,  that  you  will  take  such 
action  in  tlie  premises  as  you  nm;'  deem  the  interests  of 
this  Government  to  require. 

The  company  will  enter  into  a  contract  with  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  on  the  same  terms  and  condi- 
tion* as  it  has  made  with  the  UritiKJi  Government;  such  a 
contract  will,  we  suppose,  fall  within  the  provisions  oftlie 
Constitution  in  regard  to  poi  tal  arrangementt!,  of  which 
this  is  only  a  new  and  improved  form. 

We  have  the  honor,  also,  .o  call  your  attention  to  the 
iKoond  proviso  in  the  letter  of  tlic  Lords  Commissioners, 
to  the  following  efl'ect  : 

"  Her  Majesty's  Government  engages  to  furnish  the  aid 
of  ships  to  make  what  soundings  may  still  be  considered 
needful,  or  to  verify  those  already  taken,  and  favorably  to 
consider  any  request  that  mny  be  made  to  furnish  aid  by 
their  vessels  in  laying  down  the  cable." 

We  are  informed  that  no  private  steamships  now  built 
are  adapted  to  laying  a  cable  of  such  dimensions  as  is  pro- 
posed to  be  used,  but  that  the '  'arsteaniers  recently  finished 
by  our  Government  are  arrb  :^ed  to  the  very  heat  advant- 
age for  this  purpose. 

To  avoid  fhilure  in  laying  the  cable,  it  Is  desirable  to  use 
every  precaution,  and  we  therefore  have  the  honor  to  re- 
quest that  you  will  make  such  recommendation  to  Congress 
aa  will  secure  authority  to  detail  a  steamship  for  this  pur- 
pose, 80  that  the  glory  of  accomplishing  what  has  been 
Justly  styled  "the  crowning  enterprise  of  the  age"  may  be 
divided  between  the  greatest  and  freest  Governments  on 
the  fhce  of  the  globe. 


With  great  respect,  we  have  the  honor  to  be,  sir,  yytr 
most  obedient  servants, 

PETER  COOPER, 

Preiidcnl 
M.  O.  ROBERTS, 
MOSES  TAYLOR, 
WILSON  G.  HUNT. 

DirecloTi. 
The  rRE8iDE.NT  of  the  United  States. 

Treasury  Chambers,  November  30, 1806. 
SiR :  Having  laid  before  the  Lords  Commiesioncrs  of  lii-i 
Majesty's  Treasury  your  letter  of  the  13th  ultimo,  addressed 
to  the  Earl  of  Clarendon,  requesting,  on  behalf  of  tlie  New 
York,  N..wfoundland,  and  London  Telegraph  Company, 
certain  privileges  and  protection  in  regard  to  the  line  of  lol 
egraph  which  it  is  proposed  to  establish  between  Netv 
foundland  and  Ireland,  I  4m  directed  tty  their  lordships  tu 
acquaint  you  that  they  are  prepared  to  enter  into  a  contract 
witli  the  said  telegraph  company,  based  upon  the  following 
conditions,  viz : 

1.  It  is  understood  that  the  capital  required  to  lay  dovm 
the  line  will  be  (dS 350,000)  three  hundred  and  nf\y  tliou 
sand  pounds. 

I  3.  Her  Majesty's  Govarnment  engage  to*nirni8b  the  aid 
of  ships  to  take  what  soundings  may  still  bo  considered 
needful,  or  to  verify  those  already  taken,  and  tiivorably  to 
consider  any  request  that  may  be  made  to  furnisli  aid  by 
their  vessels  in  laying  down  the  cable. 

3.  The  British  Government,  from  the  time  of  the  ooni- 
pletion  of  the  line,  and  so  long  as  it  shall  continue  in  work- 
ing order,  undertakes  to  pay  at  the  rate  of  (£14,(H)0)  four- 
teen thousand  po-<nds  a  year,  being  at  the  rate  of  four  (H-r 
cent,  on  the  assumed  capital,  aa  a  Axed  remuneration  for 
the  work  done  on  behalf  of  the  Government,  in  the  con- 
veyance outward  and  homeward  of  their  messages.  ThiH 
payment  to  continue  until  the  net  profits  of  the  company 
are  equal  to  a  dividend  of  six  pounds  per  cent.,  when  tJiv 
payment  shall  be  reduced  to  C  £  10,000)  ten  thousand  poun<1:« 
a  year,  for  o  period  of 'wenty-fivo  yuars. 

It  is,  however,  understood  that  if  the  Government  i  les- 
sagcs  in  any  year  shull,  at  the  usual  tariff  rale  charged  to  th« 
public,  amount  to  a  l.trger  sum,  such  additional  payment 
shall  be  made  as  is  equivalent  thereto. 

4.  That  the  British  Government  shall  have  a  priority  in 
the  conveyance  of  thtir  messages  over  all  others,  subject  to 
the  exception  only  of  the  Government  of  the  United  Status, 
in  the  event  of  their  entering  into  an  arrangement  with  thi; 
telegraph  company  similar  in  principle  to  that  of  the  Britbli 
Government,  in  which  case  the  messages  of  the  two  Gov- 
ernments shall  have  priority  in  the  order  in  which  titey 
arrive  at  the  stations. 

5.  That  the  tariff  of  charges  shall  be  fixed  with  the  con- 
sent of  the  Treasury,  and  shall  not  be  increased,  without 
such  consent  being  obtained,  as  long  as  this  contract  hutx- 

I  am,  sir,  you:  obedient  servant, 

JAMES  WILSON. 
C'i  RDS  W.  Field,  Esq.,  37  Jermyn  ».'  -eel. 

Mr.  HUNTER  suggested  that  the  bill  woi-ld 
be  more  satisfactory  if  the  amount  to  be  expend'-d 
by  the  President  were  limited. 

Mr.  COLLAMER  replied:  The  bill  expressly 
provides  that  the  Preaident  sliall  be  limitea  to  the 


l«rm«  whicli 
nroposition 
British  Trei 
the  cost  of  t 
grant  is  lim 
of  the  ex  per 
that  percent 
It  is  stipul 
Treasury,  t 
messagea  o 
«t  the  priot 
exceed  jf  14 
the  excess, 
price  stipulf 
Qovernmen 
which  that 

Mr.  am 

by  the  comj 
Governmen 
tiiat  Goveri 
ships  in  lay 
not  exceed 
when   com| 
secure  to  th 
per  cent,  uf 
ilal  require 
propose  to 
ernment  ha 
stipulations 
and  in  thos 
shall  have  tl 
want  to  use 
the  United 
was  doubil 
Governmen 
equally  wit 
the  line,  an( 
In  the  fin 
the  contraci 
emment,  ee 
proposition 
the  British 
likely  to  cl 
ernmentof 
desire  that 
uhould  be  { 
themselves 
exactly  on 
whole  pow 
part,  in  th 
experiment 
The  ainoui 
Treasury 
g70,000  ft  3 
Mr.  SE 
se.'ious  Of 
objection  t 
lated  to  m< 
of  detail;  i 
low  me,  I 
offer  to  rei 
the  words 
line,  to  ini 

Noteicee 
such  person 
dividend  of 
log  #50,000] 


s 


>  honor  to  be,iii,yvir 

ER  COOPER, 

Prttidml. 
>.  RORERTiS, 
ES  TAYLOR, 
SON  G.  HUNT, 

Dirtdon. 

It. 

,  Novemier  30, 1856. 
I  Commiaiioncn  of  lit^r 

13th  ultimo,  addrcRM-il 
,  on  behalf  of  til  A  New 

Telegraph  Company, 
egard  to  the  line  of  tri 
ablish  between  Ne'.v- 
d  by  their  lordshipa  to 

0  enter  into  a  contract 
icd  upon  the  fullowing 

required  to  lay  doy-ii 
indred  and  flf\y  ttiou 

ige  to*ftirniih  the  aid 
ayatill  bo  connidcred 
ikon,  and  flivorably  to 
lada  to  furnisli  aid  by 
e. 

the  time  of  the  oom- 
liall  continue  in  worl(- 
ite  of  (£14,1)00)  fbur- 
al  the  rate  of  four  \wt 
xcd  remuneration  for 
rernraent,  in  the  coii- 
:hcir  messages.  ThiH 
roflia  of  the  company 

per  cent.,  when  Uiv 
)  ten  thousand  pounit.4 
iri). 

iho  Government  iies- 
iffrate  charged  to  the 

1  additional  payinciit 
>. 

all  have  a  priority  in 
r  all  others,  subject  to 
ofthelTiiitedStatuti, 
irrangeincnt  with  thi; 
DtotbatoftbeBriibh 
iges  of  the  two  Gov- 
nrder  in  which  they 

e  fixed  witli  the  con- 
e  increased,  without 
lathis  contract  hiMM. 

AMES  WILSON. 
■eet, 

Eit  the  bill  woi<ldl 
It  to  be  expendi^d 

'iie  bill  expressly 
I  be  limited  to  the 


t«rm8  which  the  British  QoTcrnment  raake.  The 
proposition  of  tiic  Lords  Commissionera  of  the 
Krilish  Treasury  is  to  pay  a  certain  per  cent,  on 
the  cost  of  the  work,  amounting  to  •^14,000.  The 
•frant  is  limited  so  as  not  to  exceed  four  per  cent. 
of  the  expense  of  laying  the  telegraph  down ;  and 
that  percentage  is  calculated  to  amount  to  ^14,000. 
it  is  stipulated  by  the  Commissioners  of  the 
Treasury,  that  if  the  British  Government  send 
messages  over  the  line  in  any  one  year  which, 
Ht  the  price  charged  to  the  community,  would 
exceed  ^(14,000,  tney  are  to  make  allowance  for 
the  excess.  The  President  is  not  to  exceed  the 
price  stipulated  in  thi^  contract  made  l)y  the  P'itish 
Government,  and  we  are  to  have  all  the  rights 
which  that  Government  may  possess. 

Mr.  RUiL^K  said:  A  proposition  was  submitted 
by  the  company,  asking  for  the  aid  of  the  British 
Government,  and  an  answer  was  received  rVom 
tliat  Government  agreeing  to  furnish  the  aid  of 
ships  in  laying  down  the  wire,  and  to  pay  a  sum 
not  exceeding  -irHjOOO  for  the  use  of  the  work 
when  completed.  In  other  words,  they  will 
secure  to  the  company  an  amount  equal  to  foui 
per  cent,  upon  what  they  said  womUI  be  ths  cap- 
ital required  to  complete  the  work.  Then  we 
propose  to  do  precisely  what  the  i^ritish  Gov- 
ernment has  done.  They  have  miide  r^rtain 
stipulations  as  to  having  the  use  of  the  telegraph ; 
and  in  those  stipulations  they  provide  that  they 
shall  have  the  preference  over  every  one  that  may 
want  to  use  the  line,  except  the  Govornment  of 
the  United  States.  This  leaves  an  opening,  and 
was  doubtless  intended  to  do  so,  to  permit  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  to  contribute 
equally  with  the  British  Government  in  aiding 
the  line,  and  then  having  an  equal  use  of  it. 

In  the  first  place,  1  think  there  is  no  danger  of 
the  contract  being  changed  by  the  British  Gov- 
ernment, especially  when  it  has  been  based  on  a 
proposition  made  by  the  parties,  and  accepted  by 
the  British  Government.  They  would  not  be 
likely  to  change  it  without  consulting  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States,  because  they  seem  to 
desire  that  the  Government  of  the  United  S.ates 
uhould  be  put  on  precisely  the  same  footing  with 
themselves.  The  bill  puti  the  two  Governments 
exactly  on  the  same  footing;  and  it  places  the 
whole  power  in  regard  to  tliis  contract,  on  our 
part,  in  the  hands  of  the  President.  It  is  an 
experiment,  and  a  very  important  experiment. 
The  amount  which  it  is  likely  to  tnke  from  the 
Treasury  of  the  United  States  will  be  only 
#70,000  a  year. 

Mr.  SEWARD.  If  this  is  to  be  the  most 
se.-ious  opposition  to  the  bill,  I  can  remove  all 
objectixtn  to  it  by  proposing  amendments  calcu- 
lated to  meet  the  objection,  it  is  only  a  matter 
of  detail;  and  if  the  honorable  chainnrn  will  al- 
low me,  I  will  read  the  amendments  1  propose  to 
offer  to  remove  the  objection.  The  first  is:  afler 
the  words  "just  and  reasonable,"  in  the  eleventh 
hne,  to  insert: 

Not  exceeding  $70,000  per  annum,  until  the  net  profltt  of 
such  person  or  person^  or  associaiion  shall  be  equal  to  a 
dividend  of  six  per  cent,  per  annum,  .'nd  then  nut  exceed- 
ing f50,000  per  «aiinm  for  t\venty-flve  /cars. 


This  amendment  brings  it  down  to  the  proposi- 
tion  already  made.  I  propose,  aUo,  a  further 
amendment  at  the  close  of  the  bill: 

Provided  fuflhtT,  That  the  contract  so  to  be  made  by  tils 
British  Government  Nliall  not  bcdifTi^rent  from  that  already 
!  proposed  by  that  Government  to  the  New  York,  New- 
foundland, and  liondon  Telegraph  Company. 

I     This  amendment  narrows  the  bill  down  to  thr 

j  very  proposition  now  made  by  the  British  Qov- 

;  ernmcnt.     Details  were  avoided  in  the  fra.ning 

of  the  bill.   Take  these  two  amendments  together, 

and  they  remove  nil  the  objections  to  the  bill 

which  have  thus  far  been  made. 

Mr.  RUSK.  I  was  going  to  say  that  the  bill 
proposes,  in  its  present  shape,  only  |70,000  a 
year  for  .\  very  importent  experiment,  about 
which  it  is  innecessary  for  me  to  speak  to  the 
Senate.  Every  one  can  see  that  it  is  of  great 
importance.  With  a  reasonable  piobability  of 
success  in  an  enterprise  of  this  scription,  cal- 
culated to  produce  such  bcncfici:i  :ults,  I  should 
be  willing  to  vote  $'.2lJ0,U00. 

I  shall  vote  a<;ninst  the  amendments  proposed 
by  the  Senator  Aom  New  York,  because  I  anpre- 
lif3nd  no  danger  from  the  bill  in  its  present  snipe. 

As  the  papers  which  have  been  read  show,  this 
is  an  experiment.  A  portion  of  the  ships  of  the 
United  States  arc  to  be  used  in  it.  The  British 
Government  propose  to  lurnish  ships  for  laying 
down  the  cable;  and  we,  I  take  it  for  granted, 
will  do  the  same  thing. 

Mr.  DOUGLAS.  I  regret  that  the  Senator  from 
Texas  cannot  vote  for  the  amendments  of  the 
Senator  from  New  York.  If  the  amendmentfi 
should  be  adopted,  the  proposition  will  be  pre- 
cisely what  the  Senator  from  Texas  understands 
it  to  be  without  the  amendments.  What,  then, 
is  the  objection  to  their  adoption?  As  the  bill 
now  stands,  it  is  liable  to  tlie  objection  which 
has  been  made  of  uncertainty  as  to  the  amount 
of  our  obligation. 

For  one,  I  am  willing  to  agree  to  the  nrop«si- 
tion  to  pay  a  sum  not  exceeding  |70,000  a  year 
for  the  services  which  this  telegraphic  company 
propose  to  render  our  Government  under  the  cir- 
cumstances; but  I  prefer  to  specify  on  the  face  of 
the  bill  the  extent  of  our  obligations. 

Mr.  SEWARD.  I  think,  if  the  Senator  from 
Texas  will  reconsider  his  opinion,  he  will  find 
that  we  do  not  probably  impair  the  probability 
of  getting  this  great  enterprise  accomplished  by 
adopting  the  amendments  I  have  proposed.  I 
wian  to  remark  that  the  wiiLd  required  to  be  laid 
down  is  already  made.  The  whole  enterprise 
has  heretofore  been  conducted  with  American 
capital.  On  the  4th  of  July  next,  if  this  bill  shall 
pass,  there  will  be,  for  all  practical  purposes,  an 
eleciiic  grirdle  around  the  world.  All  that  is 
wantid  IS  to  pass  this  bill.  All  that  this,  bill 
proposes  is  just  what  the  British  Government  hfl« 
agreed  to  do.  It  is  proposed  to  use  the  vesaeis 
belonging  to  the  United  Slates  Navy,  and  the 
British  Government  has  agreed  to  lend  vessels 
belonging  to  the  British  navy,  for  the  purpose  of 
laying  the  wire.  The  reason  for  this  requisition 
is,  that  there  is  ::ot,  in  the  commercial  marine  of 
either  country,  such  steam  Teasels  as  are  adapted 


I 


1(1  •pinning  out  thin  wire  along  the  bottom  of  the 
Atlantic  ocean. 

Further:  the  Driliiih  Oovornmcnt  ngreea  to 
iwy .  providi-d  wc  will  agree  to  pay,  a  sum  not 
ixcoedins  ^14,UU0  aterling,  which,  nt  |4  80  to 
tho  pound,  in  somithinj^ieas  than  |7U,000  a  year, 
for  the  uno  of  tlif  ttlugraphic  wire.  1  he  bill  pro- 
noica  that  wc  pay  tlic  mime  sum  for  tho  like  uhr. 
These  pnymenta  to  continuo  until  tho  pcrsonM 
laying  tho  wire  shall,  by  the  torifT  to  be  agreed 
upon  by  the  two  countries,  secure  profits  equal 
to  six  per  cent,  per  annum;  and  then  tho  annual 
piiymcnts  to  be  made  for  the  use  of  the  wire  bv 
tttch  Government  are  to  be  reduced  to  <l^lO,OUi), 
or  something  less  than  f  .')0,U()U  a  year. 

With  respect  to  tho  8U!j2;eHtions  made  by  the 
honorable  Senator  from  Virginia,  I  have  framed 
two  nmendmenis  which  will  exactly  limit  this 
ImII  to  tho  proposition  which  hm  been  made  by 
the  Hritish  Government  to  the  company,  and 
which  the  company  have  not  accepted,  because 
they  wait  for  the  action  of  this  Government,  but 
which  they  are  prc.fiarrd  to  accept,  provided  we 
maitn  tho  same  contract  with  them.  If  we  do 
not  mako  this  contrart,  the  HritiNh  Government 
will  have  tho  priority  of  me^Hagcs,  and  wc  will 
hsTo  to  pay  according  to  the  turitriheycKtablish, 
If  we  make  thia  eontrnct,  each  party  will  have 
priority  accordingly  as  its  messages  arrive  first 
at  the  office  of  the  telegraph  company.  Will  the 
honorable  Senator  irom  Texas  waive  his  objec- 
tifin  to  the  amendments? 

Mr.  RUSK.  I  do  not  core  particularly  whether 
the  amendments  be  adopted  or  not;  but  I  shall 
TOtA  against  them. 
The  amendments  were  agreed  to. 
Mr. HUNTER.  Thereisanothermaltorwhich 
snems  to  me  to  require  some  snfcguards.  Both 
the  termini  of  this  telegraphic  line  are  in  the 
Hritiah  dominions.  What  security  are  we  to  have 
that  in  time  of  war  we  sliall  have  the  use  of  the 
tnlepTttph  as  well  as  thu  Hritish  Government? 

Mr.  SEWARD.  It  appears  not  to  have  been 
contemplated  by  the  British  Government— and  I 
hope  they  proceeded  rationally  when  they  made 
this  proposition  to  this  telegraphic  company — 
that  there  would  ever  be  any  interruption  of  the 
amicable  relations  between  the  two  countries. 
Therefore  nothing  was  proposed  in  their  contract 
for  the  contingency  of  war.  When  this  question 
first  came  up  that  difHculty  presented  itself  to 
my  mind,  and  I  suggested  to  the  telegraphic  com- 
pany that  it  ought  to  be  the  subject  of  a  treaty 
MtWGcn  the  United  ^States  and  Great  Britain.  I 
■«nt  them  to  the  President  of  the  United  States 
and  the  Secretary  of  State  for  the  purpose  of 
•Ming  whether  the  whole  matter  could  not  be 
regulated  by  a  treaty  which  would  secure  provis- 
ion fcr  the  contingency  of  war;  but  such  nego- 
tiations and  other  difficulties  would  protract  the 
whole  ttflair  until  after  the  4th  of  July,  which  is 
after  this  session.  The  papers  were  returned  to 
the  Senate  without  any  notice  of  the  question 
now  raised,  conccrnin";  the  contingency  of  war, 
or,  indeed,  any  other,  by  the  President;  and  now 
the  question  arises,  w!iat  shall  be  done? 

That  the  two  termini  are  both  in  the  British 
iotnlaiont  is  true;  but  it  ia  equally  true  that  there 


is  no  other  terminus  on  this  continent  where  it  is 
practicable  to  make  (hat  communication  except 
in  the  British  dominions.  We  have  no  domin- 
ions on  the  other  side  of  tho  Atlantic  ocean. 
Theni  is  no  other  route  known  on  which  the  tel- 
egraphic wire  could  be  drawn  through  the  ocean 
so  as  to  find  u  proper  resting-place  or  anchorage 
except  this.  Tho  distance  on  this  route  is  sev- 
enteen hundred  miles.  It  is  not  even  known  that 
the  telegraphic  wire  will  carry  the  fluid  with  suf- 
ficient strength  to  communicate  across  those  sev- 
enteen hundred  miles.  That  is  yet  a  scientiftir 
experiment,  nnd  tho  company  are  prepared  to 
mako  it. 

In  regard  to  war,  all  the  danger  there  is  is  this: 
There  is  u  hazard  of  war  at  some  future  time, and 
1  have  to  sny,  whatever  arrangements  we  might 
make,  war  would  break  them  up — at  least,  war 
would  probably  break  them  up.  There  can  be 
no  stipulation  of  treaty  that  would  save  us  the 
benefit  desired.  Tho  probability  is,  if  we  ever 
get  into  a  war  with  Great  Britain — which  1  hope 
may  never  happen — wc  shall  then  have  to  strike 
for  one  of  the  two  terminations,  if  not  both,  in 
order  to  secure  to  ourselves  the  benefit  of  it.  In 
the  mean  lime,  if  this  intercourse  shall  be  sus- 
pendid,  in  such  case  certainly  we  shall  not  have 
to  pav  for  it  after  war  is  declared.  According  to 
the  theory  of  the  bill,  the  British  Government  will 
have  to  pay  the  whole  expense,  and  wu  shall  be 
as  well  oifas  now. 

A  di-hiy  would  throw  the  matter  over  another 
year,  nnd  delay  the  whole  system.  My  own 
hope  is,  that  after  the  telegraphic  wire  is  once 
laid,  there  will  be  no  more  war  between  the  Uni- 
ted SutcH  and  Great  Britain.  I  think  it  will  re- 
sult, nfur  some  years— some  centuries,  perhaps, 
or  hair  centuries— in  reducing  tho  expense  of 
(liplorriiitic  intercourse,  as  well  as  preventing  war. 
I  believe  that  whenever  such  a  connection  as  this 
shall  l».  mnde,  we  diminish  the  chances  of  war, 
and  diminish  them  in  such  a  degree  that  it  ia  not 
neccssiiry  to  take  them  into  consideration  at  (he 
present  moment. 

I  h:ive  only  one  other  word  on  that  subject,  and 
that  is,  that  the  use  of  this  telegraph  in  time  of 
war,  if  it  should  come,  is  a  proper  subject  for 
treaty.  The  spirit  manifested  between  the  two 
countries  is  such  as  to  make  it  not  less  probable 
than  desirable,  on  the  one  part  as  the  otner,  that 
it  can  be  regulated  by  treaty  after  this  bill  shall 
have  passed. 

Let  UH  see  where  we  are  ?  What  shall  we  gain 
by  refusing  to  enter  into  this  agreement?  if  we 
do  not  make  it,  the  British  Government  has  only 
to  add  cf  10,000  sterling  more  annually,  and  they 
have  the  whole  monopoly  of  this  wire,  without 
any  stipulation  whatever — not  only  in  war  butia 
peace.  If  we  make  this  contract  with  the  com- 
pany, we  at  least  secure  the  benefit  of  it  in  time 
of  peace,  and  we  lostpone  and  delay  the  dangers 
of  war.  If  (here  shall  ever  be  war,  it  would  abro- 
gate all  treaties  that  can  be  made  in  regard  to  this 
subject,  unless  it  be  true,  as  the  honorable  Sena- 
tor from  Virginia  thinks,  that  treaties  can  be 
made  which  will  be  regarded  as  obligatory  by 
nations  in  time  of  war.  If  so,  we  have  all  the 
advantages  in  time  of  peace,  for  the  purpose  of 


making  sue 
reason  to  in 
on  the  partT 
into  that  ml 

to  do  NO.     ll 

trnc(  and  el 
prise,  And  f 
except  that! 
[mrpole  ofl 
no  contribil 
The  Briiisf 
sition  as  til 
certainly  ll 
U'leKraphui 
Mr.  ha] 
.tnd  the  cc 
little  too  oil 
have  no  nel 
are  to  be  gl 
they  woulff 
atop  the  ga 
would  at  r 
our  ocoar.  i 
iht  interco 
Britain  am 
would  be  < 
municutioi 
If  we  a 
pursuing 
■lenta  on 
liguoua  to 
have  to  be 
as  it  is,  b« 
her  citisci 
guns. 

What¥ 

ijood  for  i 

their  end  ( 

1  believe  1 

us  togeth( 

cne  of  the 

tries  toge 

will  hold 

of  those  V 

onstrated 

attd  valu! 

cause  of 

diflfuaion 

policy  w 

of  war  il 

that  wou 

ll  would 

retard  ii 

advancei 

and  a  m 

one  whi 

Mr.  I 

bill  as  a 

—but  n< 

let  us  r« 

cfld  of  ( 

ease,  I 

niodifio 

York. 

Mr.  I 
tmprac 
ihi;  oce 
would 


ontinnntwhereitis 
munication  except 
'e  havo  no  doinin- 
110  Atlantic  ocean, 
n  on  which  the  trl- 

Ih rough  the  ocean 
pliico  or  anchorafp. 

this  route  is  »ev- 
ot  even  known  that 

till!  fluid  with  «uf- 
e  across  those  acv- 

•8  yet  a  scientific 
y  are  prepared  to 

?:'>riheroisisthi«: 
nrn;  future  time, and 
?i;incnt8  we  might 
up — at  least,  war 
ip.  There  can  bt- 
i^ould  save  us  the 
lity  is,  if  we  ever 
im— which  1  hope 
hen  have  to  strike 
IS,  if  not  both,  in 
B  benefit  of  it.  In 
uise  shall  be  sus- 
we  shall  not  havn 
cd.  According  to 
iGovornmeni  will 
,  and  wo  shall  be 

alter  over  another 
ystem.  My  own 
ihic  wire  is  once 
between  the  Uni- 
I  think  it  will  re- 
jnturies,  perhaps, 
;  the  expense  of 
8  preventing  war. 
Jonncction  as  this 
chances  of  war, 
grce  that  it  is  nol 
isidcration  at  the 

I  that  subject,  and 
graph  in  time  of 
•oper  subject  for 
between  the  two 
not  less  probable 
»3  the  other,  that 
Ler  this  bill  shall 

liat  shall  we  gain 
Teement?  If  we 
rnment  has  only 
pually,  and  they 
IS  wire,  without 
ilyin  war  but  ia 
t  with  the  com- 
■fit  of  it  in  time 
3lay  the  dangers 
r.  it  would  abro- 
in  regard  to  this 
lonorable  Sena- 
treaties  can  be 
s  obligatory  by 
fe  have  all  the 
the  purpose  of 


Making  such  treaties  hereafter,  without  the  least 
reason  to  infer  that  there  would  be  any  reluctance 
no  the  part  of  the  Kritish  Government  to  enter 
mto  that  negotiation  with  uo,  if  we  should  desire 
to  do  no.  In  the  mean  lime,  ihe  delay  would  pro- 
tract and  endanger  the  completion  of  this  enter- 
priite,  and  throw  it  back.  The  wire  is  ready, 
except  that  a  nnlional  vessel  is  wanted  for  the 
fmrpnte  of  laying  it.  It  involves  no  expennc — 
n<i  contribution  on  the  part  of  the  United  States. 
The  British  Oovernmcnt,  if  it  had  such  a  dispo- 
•uion  as  the  honorable  Senator  supposes,  would 
certainly  have  proposed  to  monopolize  all  this 
Hegraphic  line,  instead  of  proposing  to  divide  it. 

Mr.  HA  Lie.  It  seems  tome  that  the  war  spirit 
.tnd  the  contingencies  of  war  are  brought  in  a 
little  too  often  upon  matters  of  legislation  which 
have  no  necessary  connection  witTi  them.  If  we 
are  to  be  governed  by  considerations  of  that  sort, 
ihey  would  paralyze  all  improvement;  they  would 
««ip  the  greot  appropriations  forcommerci ;  thny 
would  at  once  neutralize  that  policy  which  setu 
our  ocoar  steamers  afloat.  Nobody  pretends  that 
tkc  intercourse  which  is  kept  up  uetween  Great 
Hritnin  and  this  country  by  our  ocean  steamers 
would  be  continued  in  time  of  war;  nor  the  com- 
munication with  France  or  other  nations. 

If  we  are  deterred  for  that  reason,  we  shall  be 
pursuing  a  policy  that  will  paralyze  improve- 
mr-nta  on  those  parts  of  the  coast  which  lie  con- 
tiguous to  the  lukcs.  The  city  of  Detroit  will 
have  to  be  abandoned,  beautiful  and  progressive 
iu  It  is,  because  in  time  of  war  the  mansions  of 
ht-r  citizens  there  lie  within  the  range  of  British 
•runs. 

What  will  the  suspension  bridge  at  Niagara  be 
«;ood  for  in  a  time  of  war.'  If  the  British  cut  ofl" 
their  end  of  it,  our  end  will  not  be  worth  much. 
I  believe  that  iimoiig  the  things  which  will  bind 
us  together  in  peace,  this  telegraphic  wire  will  be 
•ne  of  the  moMt  potent.  It  will  bind  the  two  coun- 
tries together  literally  with  cords  of  iron  that 
will  hold  us  in  the  bonds  of  peace.  I  am  not  one 
of  those  who  are  to  hesitate  about  this  if  it  is  dem- 
onstrated, and  I  believe  it  is,  that  it  will  be  useful 
and  valuable  in  peaf'n,  subservient  to  the  great 
cause  of  the  advancement  of  civilization  and  the 
diffusion  of  information.  I  repudiate  entirely  the 
policy  which  refuses  to  adopt  it,  because  in  time 
of  war  it  may  be  interrupted.  Such  a  policy  as 
that  would  drive  us  back  to  a  state  of  barbarism. 
It  would  destroy  the  spirit  of  progress;  it  would 
retard  improvement;  it  would  paralyze  all  the 
advances  which  arc  making  us  a  more  civilized, 
a.nd  a  more  informed  and  a  better  people  than  the 
one  which  preceded  us. 

Mr.  DOUGLAS.  I  am  willing  to  vote  for  this 
bill  as  a  peace  measure,  as  a  commercial  measure 
— but  not  as  a  war  measure;  and  when  war  comes, 
let  us  rely  on  our  power  and  ability  to  take  this 
efld  of  the  wire,  niid  keep  it.  In  that  view  of  the 
ease,  I  have  no  trouble  In  voting  for  the  bill  as 
modified  on  the  motion  of  the  Senator  from  New 
Vork. 

Mr.  RUSK.  A  short  time  ago  it  was  regarded  as 
>inpracticable  to  lay  down  a  lino  of  telegraph  across 
thK  ocean.  At  that  time  everybody  supposed  it 
wtiuld  be  a  matter  of  vast  importance,  politically, 


■oeially,  and  commercially. tabs  abin  to  iranamtt 
in  a  few  minutes  the  intolligence  which  w«  ip 
ccive  from  Europe  which  now  requlrns  from  Un 
days  to  two  weeks  for  its  tranHiniaslon,  Nom> 
experiments  have  been  miidu  in  layiiif  down  a 
tiilegraphic  wire  under  the  water,  and  II  haalM>«N 
fouud  to  work  well.  Knterprising  American  a||1. 
zeni  started  the  idea  for  the  purpose  of  nhorlanlni 
the  time  for  the  reception  of  various  kinds  of  in- 
formation,  political,  social, and  coinmnri^inl.whkh 
is  transmitted  between  this  country  and  Kuropi-, 
They  made  an  experiment  which  I'onvinr.ndlhtim 
that  it  was  practicable  to  lay  down  a  wiro  aernc* 
the  ocean.  They  gut  together  and  riilasil  the 
money  that  has  been  spent,  and  hav"  gona  ou 
and  astonished  the  public  mind  with  thti  rapidKy 
of  their  movements.  Those  Aniericnn  ewtxtt* 
applied  to  the  British  Government  for  aid  In  ihiM 
business.  The  British Ciovernnioiil  ciiine  forward 
at  once  and  extended  aid. 

Now,  sir,  the  aid  which  is  uski'd  from  (hxdof  • 
ernmeiit  of  the  United  Stales  will  plarwi  u*  pr» 
cisely  on  an  equal  footing  with  Kn|j;luiid  in  this 
enterprise,  which  1  rr^-ard  as  the  greiil  nnlurpriiw 
of  the  ago.  This  is  not  the  only  uubmnrln*!  UtI 
egraph  that  is  going  to  be  located.  It  would  Uf 
dilficult  for  us  now  to  tell  where  Uwy  will  nut  Im 
put.  The  British  Government  madu  Ihla  prop- 
osition, and  our  own  citizens  come  baek  and  Mh 
us  to  take  an  e  ual  share  in  the  expurimant,  and 
in  the  benefits  and  profitu,  if  wo  mnks  it  ft  MtMrt 
of  dollars  and  cents.  If  we  have  nn  inleniouria 
with  foreign  nations— if  it  is  not  a  inntt»r  nf  iW' 
portance  for  us  to  know  anything  of  tlia  politiMl 
afl'airs.of  foreign  countries,  tliiin  wu  hava  no 
interest  as  a  Government  in  it.  If  it  in  not  iiit 
portant  for  us,  we  have  been  puriiuiii|f  A  fooliak 
course,  for  we  are  spending  a  greiit  flum  of 
money  in  sustaining  a  large  dipliHiiitllu  eorpt  at 
diflerent  places  to  obtain  political  inrormniiou  for 
the  use  of  our  Government. 

The  advantages  of  this  work  will  bo  mutual, 
and  they  must  be  muturU,  lielwenn  l\m  l/nitcd 
States  and  Great  Britain.  It  is  iinpoNsibloforoM 
nation  at  this  age  to  get  a  great  advanlA||a  OVfr 
another  in  means, of  communicution.  b«MUM>, 
when  a  communication  is  made,  it  will  ba  mMil 
to  the  inteliigenco  and  enterprise  anil  eHpltalof 
all.  If  I  were  inquiring  into  the  advanwgtf  t« 
result  from  this  measure,  1  should  bu  itt  a  lOM  to 
find  any  branch  of  industry  that  would  not  b« 
benefited  by  it.  I  should  be  at  a  loss  to  And  any 
portion  of  the  community  that  would  not,  mora 
or  less,  feel  the  benefit  of  a  communination  bt' 
tween  this  country  and  Europe  whieh  would  or- 
cupy  but  a  few  moments.  If  1  were  to  aeleet  any 
particular  section  of  the  country  that  would  b« 
more  benefited  thaa  another,  I  would  a«|«et  ihfi 
very  section  from  which  the  hoiiorablfl  8en*tor 
from  Georgia  and  myself  come,  W«  have  vary 
large  commercial  intercouiso  with  the  (European 
Powers,  especially  with  England,  ItidlhaMntrtl 
impression  (and  I  think  very  wull  foMniled)  of 
practical  and  experienced  men,  that  rtt|lid  trana- 
|)ortation  of  intelligence  in  commuruial  mattttrtia 
of  very  great  importance.  It  is  a  Having  of  labor 
and  a  saving  of  capitol.  If  you  can  trsnamll  In- 
telligence rapidly,  it  puts  all  th9  advantafM  •/  a 


8 


new  state  of  th«  mark«t  at  the  diiposition  of  all 
*hoic  whom  it  cnn  reach.  What  enters  rrore 
larsoly  than  any  other  thinf;  into  our  commerce 
wiUi  the  world?  Cotton.  The  section  of  country 
from  which  the  honorable  Senator  and  myself 
coiiie,  exports  upwards  of  |1()(),U(X),(IU0  worth  of 
coUon  every  yeiir;  and  I  do  not  know  of  any  nrti- 
oie  of  commerce  or  production  in  rej^ard  to  wluch 
rapid  intelligence  from  the  place  of  its  consump- 
lioB  and  the  market  where  it  is  sold,  is  of  greater 
iaportance  than  to  the  cotton  grower. 

On  the  32d  of  January  the  debate  was  resumed. 

Mr.  SEWARD  said,  in  regard  to  some  objec- 
tion made  by  Mr.  Punu:  So  far  as  any  national 
rights  are  at  hazard,  or  are  involved  in  this 
question,  they  naturally  would  fall  under  the 
Rupervision  of  the  Prcsiuentof  the  United  States, 
who  has  charge  of  the  foreign  relations  of  the 
country.  If  he  shall  deem  it  necessary  to  pro- 
tect any  interest  of  the  United  States  in  peace  or 
war  he  will  be  able  to  d"  so;  and  this  bill,  when 
it  becomes  a  law,  repuses  the  whole  duty  to  be 
performed  by  it  in  the  President  and  in  nis  dis- 
cretion, and  is  not  mandatory  on  him  at  all.  If, 
therefore,  the  President  shall  think  the  public  in- 
terest requires  to  be  protected,  it  is  to  be  presumed 
he  will  not  enter  into  this  contract  until  a  treaty 
kM  been  made  for  that  purpose. 

Mr.  BENJAMIN  said:  The  sum  of  money  that 
this  Government  proposes  to  give  for  the  use  of  this 
telegraph  will  amount,  in  the  twenty-five  years, 
to  something  between  •£300,000  and  .€400,000. 
Now,  if  this  be  a  matter  of  such  immense  im- 
portvice  to  Great  Britain — if  this  be  the  golden 
opportunity— and  if,  indeed,  her  control  of  this 
liae  bo  such  a  powerful  engine,  whether  in  war 
or  in  peace,  is  it  not  most  extraordinary  that  she 
proposes  to  us  a  full  share  in  its  benents  and  in 
ita  control,  and  allows  to  our  Government  equal 
rightJi  with  herself  in  the  transmission  of  com- 
munications for  the  sum  of  about  <£ 300,000,  to  be 
paid  in  annual  installments  through  twenty-five 
yean  f  It  is  obvious  that  this  is  not  looked  upon 
by  the  British  Government  in  the  light  in  which 
the  Senator  from  Ohio  views  it.  It  is  obvious 
that,  if  this  be  indeed  a  very  important  instru- 
mentality in  behalf  of  Great  Britain  for  the  con- 
duct of  her  commerce,  the  government  of  her 
poHeasions,  or  the  efficient  action  of  her  troops 
iR  time  of  war,  the  <if300,000  expended  upon  it 
are  but  as  a  drop  in  the  bucket  when  compared 
witb  the  immense  resources  of  that  empire.  I 
think«  therefore,  we  may  as  well  discard  from  our 
consideration  of  this  subject  all  these  visions 
about  the  immense  importance  of  the  govern- 
mental aid  in  this  matter,  to  be  rendered  under 
the  provisions  of  this  bill. 

Again,  sir,  it  has  been  suggested  that  there  is 
a  question  of  constitutional  power.  If  we  have 
a  nght  to  hire  a  warehouse  at  Port  Mahon,  in 
the  Mediterranean,  for  storing  naval  stores,  have 
we  not  a  right  to  hire  a  company  to  carry  our 
miessages  ?  Does  this  bill  propose  the  construc- 
tion of  a  line  of  telegraph  by  the  Government? 
Doea  it  propose  the  appropriation  of  money  out 
of  the  Federal  Treasury  for  any  purpose  not 
aaticipated  by  the  Constitution?  Not  at  all,  sir. 
A  company  cornea  here  and  tells  us,  "  If  you  will 


pay  us  BO  much  per  annum  for  such  a  service  for 
such  a  length  of  time,  we  will  perform  that  icr 
vice  for  you;  it  is  one  in  which  yourGovernmcni 
is  interested;  if  you  will  not  give  us  that  pay  for 
that  service,  we  may  or  wo  may  not  be  able  here- 
after to  render  it  upon  terms  which  we  shall  havo 
the  power  to  exact;  but  if  you  will  not  mate  that 
contract  now  in  advance,  we,  our  side,  will  not 
bind  ourselves;  you  must  obido  the  issue  of  the 
enterprise,  and  be  subject  to  such  exactions  aii 
we  please  to  impose  if  you  want  to  use  the 
work." 

That  is  all;  and  I  should  as  soon  think  of  ques- 
tioning the  constitutional  power  of  the  Govera- 
ment  to  pay  freight  to  a  vessel  for  carrying  its 
mail  bags  across  the  ocean,  as  to  pay  a  telegraphic 
company  a  certain  sum  per  annum  for  conveying 
its  messages  by  the  use  of  the  electric  teleeraph. 
Wo  are  not  engaging  in  any  enterprise  authority 
for  which  is  not  committed  to  us  by  the  Consti- 
tution. We  do  not  propose  to  join  in  construct- 
ing this  work:  hut  deeming  it  in  advance  a  work 
of  ^reat  public  importance  and  interest,  not  only 
to  the  Government,  i>ut  to  the  people  of  the  United 
States,  we  say  to  tlic  men  engaged  in  a  privutf 
enterprise,  thai  if  they  will  embark  in  this  enter- 

Erise,  we  will  hire  their  services  in  advance  at  a 
xed  rate.  It  is  by  the  allurement  of  this  ofTw 
of  something  of  extra  pay  that  they  will  be  in- 
duced to  hazard  their  own  fortunes  in  an  enter- 
prise which,  if  successful,  will  bring  fruits  to 
them;  if  unsuccessful,  will  entail  no  losses  upon 
us,  for  we  are  to  pay  nothing  until  they  begin  to 
carry  our  messages. 

Now,  if  there  be  no  objection  on  the  constitu- 
tional ground,  and  if  the  advantages  of  this  tele- 
graphic wire,  as  a  war  measure,  have  been  ao 
much  exaggerated,  as  I  nm  inclined  to  think  they 
have  been,  what  earthly  objection  can  be  mad* 
to  this  appropriation?  Observe,  Mr.  President, 
that  this  is  our  position:  Great  Britain  holds  the 
two  termini  of  this  line.  She  holds  it;  and  can 
appropriate  it  exclusively,  whenever  she  pleases, 
\o  the  use  of  her  own  Government  and  her  own 
citizens.  She  has  appropriated  to  it  a  certain 
amount  of  aid;  and  if  it  were  as  important  am 
clement  in  time  of  peace  or  war  as  gentlemen 
make  it  out  to  be,  and  as  I  am  inclined  to  think 
it  is,  it  would  be  perfectly  within  the  power  of 
that  Government  to  control  its  use  forever.  It 
need  not  come  offering  to  us  to  neutralize  its 
undoubted  possessions,  and  give  us  equal  advant- 
ages with  itself  and  its  citizens  for  the  miserable 
pittance  of  .£350,000  sterling,  to  be  paid  to  a 
private  company,  many  of  whom  are  themselves 
American  citizens.  So  far  from  pursuing  this 
niggardly  and  unwise  policy,  the  British  Gov- 
ernment, having  the  whole  matter  in  its  owi 
hands,  has  said  with  great  liberality — with  credit- 
able good  feeling  towards  this  country:  •*  We 
will  not  take  advantage  of  this  exclusive  control; 
we  will  give  money  freely  to  aid  this  private 
company  in  this  great  enterprise;  and  we  will  go 
further — we  will  recognize  the  recent  testimonial 
of  good  feeling  that  has  been  sent  to  us  by  our 
brethren  across  the  Atlantic,  and  we  will  repay 
that  testimonial  of  good  feeling  sent  to  us  by  a 
tender  to  them  of  that  which  is  infinitely  more 


vaKiabU  — 
they  have 
was  a  gracf 
ucrifice  of 
mvely  poBsi 
the  spirit  ol 
servative  of 
much  to  rh 
we  all  do  bi 
Now,  sir 
the  result? 
shall  have  I 
with  the  G( 
«>rnment  hai 
it  uses  the 
pleases,  for 
eluded  fron 
with  the  c( 
you  that,  c 
influence  ar 
will,  after  tl 
nfree  to  ca 
Qovernmor 
they  are  an 
will  be  ind 
an  opportu 
cation  on  t 
If  we  give 
quire  equal 
rights — out 
eommunica 
whole  coun 
Vre  can  sec 
iK>me  paltr 
Britain  mnj 
future  time 
Mr.  Pres 
of  war;  let 
The  amoui 
Governmcr 
ftin,  would 
have  to  paj 
the  entire  t 
do  you  not 
be  aufiicieii 
the  comme 
tries,  so  as 
twelve  moi 
able,  beyoi 
wise  occur 
or  nine  mo 
five  years, 
had  our  G 
and  our  pc 
during  pet 
Sir,  wh( 
to  think  I 
public,  th( 
Govern  mc 
propositio 
the  Senat( 
of  this  grc 
British  si 
days  mor 
of  the  Un 
ain's  po\i 
power  to 
held  it,  sb 


ich  a  fMrviee  for 
Brtbrm  Ihitt  acr 
>urQov(>rnmeni 
u»  that  pay  for 
ot  be  able  hen- 
■ii  Wfl  ahall  hava 
I  not  make  thai 
•  side,  will  not 
he  issue  of  tiu> 
h  oxactiona  an 
tnt  to  »m>  tkt 

I  think  of  que*- 
f  tho  Oavnri' 
sr  carrying  it« 
ly  a  lolegraphie 
[iforconyeyinj 
ctric  leloerapb. 
prise  authority 
by  the  Consti- 
n  in  CQnatruri- 
tUvanceawork 
orest,  not  only 
c  of  the  United 
in  a  priTuif* 
c  in  this  enler- 
I  aHvance  at  a 
of  this  offm 
ey  will  be  ia- 
s  in  an  entpr- 
)ring  fruits  to 
10  losses  upon 
they  begin  to 

\i  the  constitu- 
s  of  this  tele- 
lave  been  so 
to  think  they 
can  be  mad* 
[r.  President, 
tain  holds  the 
is  it;  and  can 
rsho  pleases, 
and  her  own 
>,  it  a  certain 
important  aa 
as  eentlemeN 
inod  to  think 
the  power  of 
!  forever.     It 
neutralize  its 
equal  ad  van  I - 
■he  miserable 
)c  paid  to  a 
•e  themselTea 
ursuing  this 
British  Gov- 
in  its  owa 
-with  credit- 
ntry:  "  We 
sive  control ; 
this  private 
d  we  will  ^<t 
t  testimonial 
0  us  by  ow 
B  will  repay 
to  us  by  a 
initely  more 


( 


I 


valuable  —  inflnitely  more  important  than  what 
they  havo  done  for  Great  Britain."  Ours,  air, 
waa  a  gracrful  act  of  generosity;  hers  is  a  great 
sacrifice  of  national  advantages  which  she  oxclu- 
mvely  possesses,  and  which  rho  tenders  to  ua  in 
the  spirit  of  amity — in  a  spir  i  which  will  be  pre- 
aervativc  of  that  nonce  wtiich  wo  all  profess  so 
much  to  cherish,  nut  which,  I  am  much  afraid, 
we  all  do  but  too  little  to  preserve. 

Now,  sir,  without  this  bargain,  what  will  be 
tiie  result?  This  line  will  be  laid;  and  after  it 
ahall  have  been  laid,  by  the  terms  of  the  contract 
with  the  Government  of  Great  Britain,  that  Gov- 
<nrnment  has  the  precedence  with  all  its  dispatches. 
It  uaoa  the  telegraph  aa  it  pleases,  and  how  it 
pleases,  for  governmental  purposes.  We  are  cx- 
duded  from  it;  or  if  we  horeafter  make  a  bargain 
with  the  company,  after  the  line  is  done,  think 
you  that,  controlled  aa  they  will  be  by  British 
influence  and  bv  British  interests,  that  company 
will, after  they  have  succeeded  in  this  enterprise, 
agree  to  carry  tho  mesaagea  of  this  people  and 
Qovernmcnt  for  lens  than  they  now  offer,  when 
thev  are  anxious  for  our  aid,  of  which  then  they 
will  be  independent?  Never,  sir,  shall  we  have 
an  opportunity  of  making  use  of  this  communi- 
cation on  the  same  advanti^cous  terms  aa  now. 
If  we  give  equal  aid  with  Great  Britain,  we  ac- 
quire equal  control;  our  Government  has  equal 
rights — our  citizens  have  equal  power  to  use  this 
eommunication  for  the  common  interests  of  the 
whole  country.  Shall  we  give  up  all  this  when 
We  can  secure  it  for  so  small  a  pittance,  upon 
some  paltry  jealousy  of  the  use  which  Great 
Britain  may  make  of  this  communication  at  aome 
future  time  in  some  possible  contingency  of  war. 

Mr.  President,  let  us  not  always  be  thinking 
of  war;  let  us  be  using  means  to  preserve  peace. 
The  amount  that  would  be  expended  by  this 
Government  in  six  months' war  with  Great  Brit- 
ain, would  far  exceed  everything  that  we  shall 
have  to  pay  for  the  use  of  this  telegraphic  line  for 
the  entire  twenty-five  years  of  the  contract;  and 
do  you  not  believe  that  this  instrumentality  will 
be  aufHciently  cfHcient  to  bind  together  the  peace, 
the  commerce,  and  the  interests  of  the  two  coun- 
tries, so  as  even  to  defer  a  war  for  six  months  or 
twelve  months,  if  one  should  ever  become  inevit- 
able, beyond  the  period  at  which  it  would  other- 
wise occur  ?  If  it  docs  that,  it  will  in  six  or  eight 
or  nine  months  repay  the  expenditures  of  twenty- 
five  years,  during  all  which  time  we  shall  have 
had  our  Government  dispatches  conveyed  gratis, 
and  our  people  entitled  to  the  same  use  of  the  line 
during  peace  as  the  citizens  of  Great  Britain. 

Sir,  when  I  reflect  on  this  subject,  I  shudder 
to  think  of  the  advantages  which  the  English 
public,  the  English  commerce,  and  the  English 
Government  will  have  over  ours  if  we  reject  this 
proposition.  It  was  very  well  said  yesterday  by 
the  Senator  from  Texas,  that  in  all  the  bargains 
of  this  great  bargaining  and  commercial  country, 
British  subjects  will  have  the  advantage  of  ten 
days  more  recent  information  than  the  citizens 
of  the  United  States.  It  is  new  in  Great  Brit- 
ain's power  to  effect  this  end.  It  is  now  in  her 
Kower  to  monopolize  this  communication.  If  we 
eld  it,  should  we  not  be  disposed  to  monopoliM 


it?  From  what  I  have  heard  in  the  Senate  on 
this  subject,  my  judfrroent  is  that  we  should  be, 
or  many  of  us  would  ue,  in  favor  of  monopolizing 
it;  and  yet,  without  price,  without  condition, 
upon  a  fTxitini;  of  perfect  equality.  Great  Britain 
says  to  this  Government,  "Come  forward;  join 
us  in  giving  the  same  aid  tn  this  great  eiitcrpriN 
that  we  ourselves  are  ready  to  give,  and  your 
Government  and  your  people  may  take  advant- 
age of  it,  though  wo  own  the  two  shores  on  each 
side  of  the  Atlantic  at  the  sole  point  on  eurth 
whore  those  two  shores  can  be  combined  and 
united  together  by  telegraphic  communication." 
That  is  tendered  to  us  unconditionally;  and  gen- 
tlemen say  they  will  not  take  it  because  Great 
Britain,  if  we  should  ever  have  a  war  hercaAer, 
might  refuse  us  in  time  of  war  all  these  benefits 
which  she  is  offering  to  us  in  time  of  peace. 
I  must  confess,  Mr  President,  tl.at  this  argu- 
ment  appears  to  mu  to  be  very  strange.  She  can 
hold  all.  She  offers  us  a  fair  share  of  every- 
thing while  peace  shall  last.  We  all  profess  to 
be  desirous  of  peace.  We  all  suppose  peace  will 
be  enduring — not  forever;  I  do  not  believe  in  the 
arrival  of  the  Utopian  age;  but  we  all  profess  to 
believe  that  peace  will  be  enduring;  ana  shall  we 
cut  off  our  Government  and  our  people  from  the 
use  of  this  communication  for,  perhaps,  genera- 
tions to  come,  upon  the  fear,  or  the  pretext  of  the 
fear,  that  some  day  Great  Britain  may  use  it  in 
time  of  war?  Once  again,  sir,  I  say,  if'^she  wants 
it  for  war  she  will  put  it  there  at  her  own  ex- 
pense. It  is  not  throe  hundred  thousand  pounds 
or  four  hundred  thousand  pounds  that  will  arrest 
her.  If,  on  the  contrary,  this  be  useful  to  com- 
merce— useful  in  an  eminent  degree — useful  for 
the  preservation  of  peace,  then  I  confess  I  feel 
some  pride  that  my  country  should  aid  in  eatab- 
lishing  it.  I  confess  I  feel  a  glow  of  something 
like  pride  thai  I  belong  to  the  great  human  family 
when  I  see  these  triumphs  of  science,  by  which 
mind  is  brought  into  instant  communication  with 
mind  across  the  intervening  oceans,  which,  to  our 
unenlightened  forefathers,  seemed  placed  ti.ere  by 
Providence  as  an  eternal  barrier  to  communication 
between  man  and  man.  Now,  sir,  we  speak  from 
minute  to  minute.  Scarcely  can  a  gun  be  fired 
in  war  on  the  European  shore  ere  its  echoes  will 
reverberate  among  our  own  mountains,  and  bo 
heard  by  every  citizen  in  the  land.  All  this  is  a 
triumph  of  science—of  American  genius,  and  I 
for  one  feel  proud  of  it,  and  feel  desirous  of 
sustaining  and  promoting  it. 

Mr.  RUSK.  Men  of  enterprise,  men  of  intel- 
ligence and  skill,  originated  the  idea  of  establioh- 
ing  a  submarine  telegraph  between  this  continent 
and  Ireland.  They  organized  a  company,  and 
have  had,  I  believe,  from  our  ships,  a  great  many 
soundings  to  ascertain  the  practicability  of  hiying 
down  this  wire.  Then  an  American  citizen, 
Cyrus  W.  Field, goes  to  the  English  Government, 
and  asks  them  what  they  will  do  in  aid  of  thii 
work.  He  is  a  resident  of  New  York.  The 
British  Government  entertain  a  proposition  from 
an  American  citizen,  and  offer  to  ao  certain  things: 
"  Her  Majegty's  Government  engage  to  furnish  the  M 
of  ships  to  talce  what  soundings  may  still  be  considered 
needfUl,  or  to  verify  those  already  uken ;  and  flivorably  t«- 


II' 


roiuider  any  request  that  may  be  made  to  furnish  aid  by 
their  resaels  in  laying  down  the  cable." 

It  is  not  denied  that  it  will  be  of  important 
benefit  to  commerce.  Tlie  Senator  from  Virginia 
admits  that  it  will  be  a  matter  of  great  importance 
to  the  commerce  of  the  country;  and  yet  he  says 
we  ought  not  to  incur  this  large  expenditure  of 
sending  a  ship  to  make  a  few  soundings,  anu  !<e1p 
to  lay  down  the  cable,  becauae  it  is  an  expense 
for  tne  benefit  of  commerce  !  My  opinion  is  that 
it  will  be  of  more  benefit  to  our  commerce  than 
to  that  of  Groat  Britain.  We  have  sent  outships 
to  make  explorations  and  observations  in  tlie  Red 
Sea  and  in  South  America.  We  sent  one  or  two 
expensive  expeditions  to  Japan,  and  published  at 
great  cost  some  elegant  books  narrating  their  ex- 
ploits. What  object  had  we  there  but  to  extend 
our  commerce }  The  expense  even  in  ships  alone, 
in  that  instance,  was  at  the  rate  of  twenty  to  one 
here,  but  no  cry  o."  economy  was  then  raised.  I 
come  now  to  the  money  portion: 

"The  British  Government,  from  the  lime  of  the  comple- 
tion of  the  line,  and  so  long  as  it  shall  eoiitinuc  in  working 
order,  undertake  tL  pay  at  the  rate  of  £14,000  a  year." 

The  line  must  be  completed  before  any  pay- 
ment can  be  made,  and  the  payment  is  only  to 
be  continued  as  long  as  the  line  is  in  working 
order.  That  is  the  whole  of  the  great  assault  on 
the  Treasury. 

I  am  not  disposed  to  consume  the  time  of  the 
Senate;  nor  am  I  inclined  to  talk  to  grave  Sen- 
ators about  the  importance  of  this  expevitnent, 
which  I  regard  as  the  experiment  of  the  age,  in 
bringing  nations  nearer  togct.ier,  and  doing  away 
with  the  causes  which  exist  for  disagreement  and 
war,  and  extending  commerce,  by  which  civi'ized 
nations  exist.  I  will  not  undertake  to  talk  to 
Uiose  who  know  as  well  as,  and  perhaps  better 
than  I  do,  of  the  vast  advantages  which  may  rc- 
•ult  from  this  telegraph.  At  all  events,  the  money 
is  not  to  be  paid  unless  the  experiment  is  success- 
ful. The  snips  may  be  sent  there  to  assist  in 
Icying  the  cable.  I  think  that  is  better  than  to 
keep  them  rotting  at  the  navy-yards  with  the 
officers  frolicking  on  shore. 

Mr.  DOUGLAS.  I  do  not  regard  this  as  a  war 
measure  in  any  sense  of  the  word.  It  is  essen- 
tially a  peace  measure — a  commccjal  measure, 
80  far  as  its  advantages  arc  concernuvl,  and  I  am 
disposed  to  look  upon  it  purely  in  that  light.  I  be- 
lieve its  tendency  will  be  to  cultivate  brttur  feeliiigs 
between  the  two  countries.  I  believe  the  closer 
it  brings  us  together,  the  more  it  will  obliterate 
those  prejudices  which  certainly  do  exist  to  a 
considerable  extent  between  the  two  nations. 

Our  policy  isessentiallyapolicy  of  peace.  We 
want  peace  with  the  whole  world,  above  all  other 
considerations.  There  never  has  been  a  time  in 
the  history  of  this  Republic,  when  peace  was 
more  essei/tial  to  our  prosperity,  to  our  advance- 
ment, and  to  our  progress,  than  it  is  now.  We 
have  made  great  progress  in  time  of  peace — an 
almost  inconceivable  progress  since  the  last  war 
with  Great  Britain,  rweniy-five  years  nlore  of 
peace  will  pui  us  far  in  advance  of  any  otiier 
nation  on  earth.  Upon  examining  the  memorial 
of  thia  company  to  the  President  of  the  United 


States,  I  find  that  they  ask  for  the  use  of  but  one 
ship.  They  want  one  British  steamer  to  start 
from  the  coast  of  Ireland  with  the  wire  westward, 
and  one  American  steamer  to  start  with  the  wire 
eastward;  and  when  the  two  ships  meet,  they  are 
to  fasten  the  wire  together,  and  let  it  drop,  and 
the  work  is  done. 

What  injury  is  this  to  the  United  States  in  a 
pecuniary  point  of  view,  or  in  any  other  respect  ? 
Will  it  cost  anything  to  furnish  the  use  ot  one 
of  our  steamships.'  They  arc  idle;  we  have  no 
practical  use  for  them  at  present.  They  are  in 
commission.  They  have  their  coal  on  board,  and 
their  full  armament.  They  wi'l  be  rendering  no 
service  to  us  if  they  are  not  engaged  in  tiiis  work. 
Why  not  allow  the  use  of  one  of  our  steamships 
to  transport  this  wire  from  the  coast  of  New- 
foundland to  the  center  of  the  ocean,  where  they 
are  to  meet  the  British  ship  ?  If  there  was  notiiitu^ 
more  than  a  question  of  national  pride  involved, 
I  would  gladly  furnish  the  use  of  an  American 
ship  f-x*  that  purpose.  England  tenders  one  of 
her  national  vesstls,  and  why  should  we  not 
tender  one  also.'  It  costs  England  nothing,  and 
it  costs  us  nothing. 

But  American  citizens  have  commenced  this 
enterprise.  The  honor  and  the  glory  of  the 
achievement,  if  successful,  will  be  due  to  Amer- 
ican genius  and  American  daring.  Why  should 
the  American  Government  be  so  penurious — I  do 
not  know  that  that  is  the  proper  word,  for  it  cost* 
nothing — why  should  we  be  actuated  by  so  illib- 
eral a  spirit  as  to  refuse  the  u.sg  of  one  of  our ' 
steamships  to  convey  the  wire,  when  it  does  not 
cost  one  farthing  to  the  Treasury  of  the  United 
States.'  We  did  furnish  more— infinitely  more 
than  that,  to  help  to  take  the  soundings  across 
thia  very  line  for  the  benefit  of  commerce.  We 
thought  it  was  a  matter  of  honor  and  credit  to 
this  Government  to  be  engaged  in  the  great  scien- 
tific work  of  determining  the  depth  of  the  ocean, 
and  the  tr'-.cks  of  vessels  across  it,  in  order  lo 
save  life  and  expedite  the  transportation  of  per- 
sons and  property.  Why  not  use  one  ship  for 
this  purpose .' 

Then  the  only  remaining  expense  to  the  Jnited 
States  is  iJ70,000  a  year,  that  we  are  to  furnish 
for  the  transmission  of  intelligence  over  th'.s  line. 
If  you  look  into  this  proposition  you  will  find 
that  the  expenditure  is  to  begin  when  the  line  ia 
in  operation.  Our  compensation  is  to  be  the  same 
that  thr^  British  Government  make.  We  are  not 
to  pay  a  dollar  of  money  for  laying  down  the 
wire.  We  are  not  to  contribute  a  dollar  to  the 
establishment  of  the  telegraph;  but  we  are  to  pay 
for  the  intelligence  that  we  cause  to  be  transmitted 
over  it  after  it  shall  be  in  operation.  The  propo- 
sition is  this: 


i 


"  The  British  Government,  from  the  time  of  tho  comple- 
tion of  tt :  line,  and  so  long  at  it  shall  conliiiiio  in  working 
order,  undortakea  to  pay  at  the  rate  of  (£11,093)  fourteea 
thou.sand  pounds  a  year." 

We  do  not  undertake  to  pay  a  dollar  unless  the 
enterprise  is  successful.  Suppose  tlic-y  go  on  and 
Jay  down  this  wire,  and  it  proves  unsuccessful: 
what  rcRponsibility  do  we  incur.'  What  loss 
hare  we  occasioned  ?    Nothing,  except  the  uae 


the  use  of  but  one 
sluunner  to  start 
ihe  wire  westward, 
start  with  the  wire 
lips  meet,  they  are 
id  let  it  drop,  and 

Jnited  States  in  a 
any  other  respect* 
sh  the  use  of  one 
!  idle;  we  have  nu 
ent.  They  are  in 
coal  on  board,  and 
'1  be  rendering  no 
;aged  in  tiiis  work, 
of  our  steanjships 
le  coast  of  New- 
ocean,  where  they 
there  was  nothing 
ml  pride  involvea, 
J  of  an  American 
d  tenders  one  of 
y  should  we  not 
land  nothing,  and 

commenced  this 
the  glory  of  the 
I  be  due  to  Amer- 
ng.  Why  should 
)  penurious — I  do 
•  word,foritco8l» 
tuatcd  by  so  illib- 
isG  of  one  of  our ' 
when  it  does  not 
Liry  of  the  United 
J — infinitely  more 
soundings  across 
commerce.  We 
nor  and  credit  to 
in  Ihe  great  scien- 
epth  of  the  ocean, 
S3  it,  i:i  order  lo 
iportation  of  per- 
use one  ship  for 

ense  to  the  Jnited 
we  are  lo  furnish 
nee  over  th'sline. 
ion  you  will  find 
I  when  the  line  ia 
I  IS  to  be  the  same 
ike.  We  are  not 
laying  down  the 
te  a  dollar  to  the 
but  we  are  to  pay 
I  to  be  transmitted 
ion.    The  propo- 

I  timo  of  tho  coinple- 
comiiiuc  in  working 
r  (£11,000)  rourtoeu 

I  dollar  unless  the 
se  they  go  on  and 
'OS  unsuccessful: 
!ur?  What  loss 
;,  except  the  use 


II 


of  one  steamship  in  transporting  the  wire  from 
the  American  coast  to  the  center  of  the  ocean, 
where  it  is  to  meet  a  British  ship,  and  the  wires 
are  to  be  attached  to  each  other,  and  the  commu- 
■ication  made  complete.  If  it  works  well,  we 
then  incur  the  responsibility  of  paying  $70,000  a 
year  for  tbi>  use  of  the  telagraph  by  this  Govern- 
ment. This  is  all  there  is  of  it;  and  when  the 
profits  of  the  company  shall  equal  six  per  cent. 
on  the  cost,  we  are  to  pay  only  $50,000  a  year. 

I  think  we  gain  more  tlian  that  even  in  the  sav- 
ing of  mail  service.  It  is  now  a  matter  of  vast 
importance  that  our  mail  steamers  should  go 
across  the  ocean  in  the  shortest  possible  time. 
Our  vast  pp>  uniary  interests  depend  upon  the 
earliest  possible  intelligence.  When  this  wire 
shall  be  in  operation  what  dilTerence  will  it  make 
whether  the  vessels  take  ten  days,  or  twelve  days, 
in  crossing  the  ocean  with  the  mail  bogs,  when 
your  commercial  intelligence  is  going  through 
oach  day  and  each  hour?  If  you  have  a  friend 
on  the  other  side  of  the  ocean,  you  can  communi- 
cate with  him  in  a  few  hours,  if  not  in  a  few  min- 
utes. If  you  have  any  business  transactions, 
you  can  conduct  them  as  well  without  the  mail  as 
with  it.  It  therefore  dispenses  with  that  stern 
necessity  of  saving  a  few  hours  in  the  transmis- 
sion of  the  mails.  I  need  not  spend  the  time  of 
tlie  Senate  to  prove  that  probably  one  half  of  the 
expense  of  transporting  the  mails  across  the 
ocean  is  occasioned  by  the  effort  to  snve  five  or 
six  hours  or  one  day's  time  in  a  voyage.  You 
can  get  your  mails  carried  for  half  price  if  you 
will  allow  tho  vessels  to  take  two  days  more  in 
the  voyage.  It  is  for  the  speed  that  you  pay  the 
bounty.  The  high  bounty  is  for  the  greatest 
possible  speed. 

When  I  look  into  this  proposition,  I  cannot 
CO  ceive  on  what  ground  objections  to  it  rest.  I 
cast  out  of  view  entirely  the  war  argument;  I 
look  upon  it  solely  as  a  peace,  as  a  commercial, 
and  as  a  business '.".easure.  In  that  point  of  view 
I  believe  the  Government  will  obtain  more  ser- 
vice for  the  amount  of  money,  than  by  any  other 
contract  that  we  have  ever  made,  or  now  can 
make,  for  the  transmission  of  intelligence.  It 
i<5  a  mail  operation.  It  is  a  Post  Office  arrange- 
ment. It  is  for  the  transmission  of  intelligence, 
and  that  is  what  I  understand  to  be  the  function 
of  the  Post  Office  Department.  I  hold  it,  there- 
fore, to  be  as  legitimately  within  the  proper  pow- 
ers of  the  Government,  as  the  employing  of  a 
stage  coach,  or  a  steam  car,  or  a  ship,  to  trans- 
p<)rt  the  mails,  cither  to  foreign  countries  or  to 
diiferent  portions  of  our  own  country. 

Is  the  amount  to  be  paid  too  much?  Clearly 
not.  I  will  venture  now  the  assertion,  that  every 
Senator  on  this  floor  was  astonished  at  the  small 
amount  of  money  asked  for  to  accomplish  this 
great  object.  I  had  supposed  it  was  going  to 
occasion  an  expense  of  several  hundreds  of  thou- 
sands of  dollars  a  year  instead  of  $70,000.  I  look 
upo'n  it  as  a  wise  and  economical  measure,  as  one 
•oming  pr.'ijicrly  within  the  conceded  powers  of 
i;his  Govoniinent,  and  involving  no  lutitudinous 
or  wide  construction  in  order  to  find  the  author- 
ity of  the  Government  for  the  measure. 

Mr.  SEWAIIP.     There  was  an  American 


citizen  who,  in  the  year  1770,  or  thereabout,  in- 
dicated to  this  country,  to  Great  Britain,  and  lo 
the  world,  the  use  of  the  lightning  for  the  pur- 
poses of  communication  of  intelligence,  and  that 
was  Dr.  Franklin.  I  am  sure  that  there  ia  not 
only  no  member  of  the  Semite,  but  no  American 
citizen,  how  r  humble,  who  would  be  willing 
to  have  sti  .i  out  from  the  achievements  of 
American  invention  thl^  great  discovery  of  Ihe 
lightning  as  an  agent  for  the  uses  of  human 
society. 

The  suc,gestion  made  by  that  distinguished  and 
illustrious  American  was  followed  up  some  fifty 
years  afterwards  by  another  suggestion  and  an- 
other indication  from  another  American,  and  that 
was  Mr.  Samuel  P.  B.  Morse,  who  indicated  lo 
the  American  Government  the  moans  by  which 
the  lightning  could  be  made  to  write,  and  by 
which  the  telegraphic  wires  could  be  made  to 
supply  the  place  of  wind  and  steam  for  carrying 
intelligence. 

We  have  followed  out  these  suggestions  of 
these  eminent  Americans  hitherto,  and  I  am  sure 
at  a  very  small  cost.  The  Government  of  the 
United  States  appropriated  $40,000  to  test  the 
practicability  of  Morse's  suggestion;  the  $40,000 
'.hus  expended  established  its  practicability  and 
its  use.  Now,  there  is  no  person  on  the  face  of 
the  globe  who  can  measure  the  price  at  which,  if 
a  reasonable  man,  he  would  be  willing  to  strike 
from  the  world  the  use  of  the  magnetic  telegraph 
as  a  means  of  communication  between  different 
portions  of  the  same  country.  This  great  inven- 
tion is  now  to  be  brought  into  its  further  wider 
and  broaddr  use — the  use  by  the  general  society 
of  nations,  international  use,  the  use  of  the  society 
of  mankind.  Its  benefits  are  large— just  in  pro- 
portion to  the  extent  and  scope  of  its  operation. 
They  are  not  merely  benefits  to  '.he  Government, 
but  they  arc  benefits  to  ihe  citizens  and  subjects 
of  all  nations  and  of  all  States.  1  tliink  there  ia 
not  living  in  the  State  of  South  Carolina,  or  Ten- 
nessee, or  Kentucky,  or  Virginia,  a  man  who 
would  be  willing  to  have  the  use  of  the  telegraph 
dispensed  with  or  overthrown  in  reducing  the  cost 
of  exchange  of  his  particular  products  to  the 
markets  of  the  United  States.  I  think  so  because 
of  the  celerity  with  which  communication  of  the 
state  of  demand  and  supply  in  a  distant  market 
affects  the  value  of  the  article  in  the  hands  of  tho 
producer,  and  reduces  by  so  much  the  cost  of  the 
agencies  em|)loyed  in  its  sale.  Precisely  the  same 
thing  which  thus  happens  at  home  must  necf^s- 
sarily  happen  when  you  apply  it  to  more  remote 
markets  in  other  parts  of  tne  world. 

I  might  enlarge  further  on  this  subject,  but  I 
forbear  to  do  so,  because  I  know  that  at  some 
future  time  I  shall  come  across  the  record  of 
what  I  have  aid  to-day.  I  know  that  then  what 
I  have  said  to-day,  by  way  of  nnticipation,  will 
fall  so  far  short  of  the  reality  ci  the  benefits  which 
individuals,  States,  and  nations  will  have  derived 
from  this  great  enterprise,  that  I  shall  not  redect 
upon  it  without  disappointment  and  mortifica- 
tion. 

Mr.  TOUCEY.  No  one  has  made  an  objection 
that  there  is  any  want  of  constitutional  power, 
nor  that  this  is  not  a  legitimate  object  for  oux 


12 


Government.  Every  objection  which  has  been 
made  resolves  itself  into  one  of  expediency;  and 
upon  that  of  course  there  may  be  a  variety  of 
opinions.  It  is  true  that  the  termini  of  this  tele- 
graphic line  will  be  within  the  dominions  of 
Great  Britain  exclusively.  It  is  true  that  with- 
holding thi^  appropriation  on  the  part  of  our 
Government  will  not  put  an  end  to  this  telegraphic 
communication)  provided  it  be  practicable.  It 
will  be  established;  it  will  go  into  operation;  and 
it  will  be  a  tremendous  instrument  m  the  hands 
of  some  one  to  affect  the  most  vital  interests  of 
this  country.  It  will  put  into  the  hands  of  those 
who  have  the  exclusive  control  of  it  ten  days' 
information  in  advance  of  all  the  community, 
with  regard  to  the  markets  of  the  European 
world.  When  I  say  that,  I  say  everything  that 
can  be  said  to  convey  to  the  mmd  the  vast  im- 
portance of  this  communication,  if  it  shall  be 
successful.  Then  what  is  the  question  here  ?  It 
'8  simply  a  question  whether  we,  now  that  we 
have  an  opportunity,  shall,  by  the  appropriation 
of  1^70,000  per  annum,  be  placed  upon  a  footing 
of  perfect  equality  with  the  Government  of  Great 
Britain,  within  whose  dominions  will  be  the  two 
termini  of  this  line;  and  whether  our  citizens 
shall  have  an  equal  advantage  and  an  equal  right 
with  the  subjects  of  Great  Britain,  or  any  other 
country  in  the  world?  Can  tiiere  be  two  opin- 
ions on  that  point  ?  Is  it  possible  that  the  appro- 
priation called  for  by  this  bill  can  be  placed  by 
any  one  who  looks  at  the  vast  interests  that  may 
be  involved,  into  the  opposite  scale,  to  weigh 
down  the  merits  of  this  bill .'' 

The  object  of  this  appropriation  is  to  commu- 
nicate instantaneously  with  England  by  our  Gov- 
ernment, and  very  briefly,  or  at  least  in  a  short 
period,  with  all  the  Governments  of  Europe, 
certainly  in  time  of  peace,  and  possibly,  and 
probably,  in  time  of  war.  It  is  moreover  to 
secure  to  the  commerce,  the  agriculture, and  every 
other  interest  of  this  country,  an  instantaneous 
communication  with  the  whole  civilized  world  on 
the  other  continent.  Now,  how  is  it  possible  that 
there  can  be  any  diversity  o^  opinion  with  regard 
to  the  expediency  of  such  v  measure.'  If  it  be 
constitutional,  if  it  be  to  promote  a  legitimate 
object  under  the  charg*;  of  this  Government,  (and 
that  it  is  no  one  doubts,)  if  the  appropriation  be 
a  small  one,  and  be  connected  with  interests  of 
such  vast  magnitude,  I  am  ac  i\  loss  to  discover 
how  any  gentleman  can  be  opposed  to  this  bill. 
I  shall  vote  for  it  cheerfully. 

Mr.  BAYARD.  I  cannot,  for  my  own  part, 
appreciate  t!ie  objections  taken  to  this  measure 
on  the  part  of  those  who  consider  that  it  involves 
the  interests  of  this  country  in  the  event  of  a  war. 
It  is  a  proposition  springing  from  a  private  com- 
pany, on  the  face  of  the  papers,  who  have  pro- 
posed to  the  Government  of  Great  Britain  to  aid 
them  in  the  construction  of  a  yet  untried  project 
of  establishing  a  submarine  telegraph  between 
the  British  possessions  in  North  America  and 
Engl«ind  proper.  It  is,  of  course,  a  hazardous 
undertaking.  There  is  no  certainty  in  it;  and  it 
ip  not  unnatura', under  these  circumstances,  that 
ifidiyiduals  should  desire  to  see  at  least  on  what 
tffDAB  they  are  to  atand  with  the  Government  of 


the  two  countries  most  deeply  interested,  in  the 
event  of  the  success  of  their  enterprise.  Their 
proposition,  in  the  first  place,  asks  nothing  nnles? 
the  enterprise  succeeds,  except  that  the  Govern- 
ment will  take  the  soundings,  or  verify  the  sound- 
ings already  taken,  and  in  the  event  of  these 
soundings  proving  the  former  ones  to  be  accurate, 
that  they  will  suffer  their  vessels  to  be  employed 
in  laying  down  this  telegraphic  wire.  That  ii« 
the  proposition.  The  British  Government  have 
accepted  it  only  to  a  limited  extent.  They  agree, 
not  in  a  contract,  but  in  their  acceptance,  that 
they  will  enter  into  a  contract  for  the  purpose  of 
affording  aid  in  verifying  the  soundings,  and  wiH 
give  a  favorable  consideration  to  a  proposition  to 
afford  such  aid  as  the  Government  may  see  fit  in 
laying  down  the  wire.  The  expense,  therefore, 
will  be  very  trivial  in  this  respect  to  our  country 
by  entering  into  a  similar  engagement. 

If  this  were  a  war  measure  —  if  it  looked  to 
war,  or  was  connected  with  war  as  a  consequent 
in  the  eye  of  the  Government  of  Great  .Britain, 
does  any  gentleman  suppose  that  Government 
would,  for  a  consideration  of  $70,000  additional, 
which  is  the  amount  of  expenditure  here,  or  even 
^700,000  additional,  pause  for  a  moment  in  sc  ur- 
ing  the  control  of  a  measure  which  looked  to  its 
interests  in  the  event  of  war?  If  it  is  of  such 
formidable  moment  to  her  in  the  event  of  war, 
and  would  throw  us  into  such  an  inequality  in  a 
contest  of  that  kind,  is  it  possible  to  suppose  that 
Great  Britain,  having  the  termini  of  the  line  in 
her  own  dominions,  would  not  at  once,  if  she 
looked  to  it  in  that  point  of  view,  secure  to  her- 
self the  control  of  this  formidable  engine  for  pur- 
poses of  offense  in  war?  In  my  judgment  it  is 
not  so  looked  to;  and  I  think  gentlemen  exagger- 
ate the  importance  of  this  telegraph  in  the  sup- 
posable  event  of  war  taking  place  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States,  although  I  admit 
unhesitatingly  that  its  construction  would  tend 
to  the  prevention  of  the  probability  of  a  war  of 
that  kind.  I  think  it  must  be  so  viewed  by  the 
Government  of  Great  Britain;  but  I  am  at  a  loss 
to  perceive  to  what  great  extent  she  could  avail 
herself  of  its  advantages  after  war  had  commenced. 
Be  that  as  it  may,  however,  it  is  very  certain  that 
the  telegraph  will  be  made,  if  it  is  practicable, 
whether  we  pass  this  bill,  and  enter  into  this 
arrangement  securing  us  the  right  that  we  secure 
to  ourselves  by  it,  or  not.  If  it  is  made  without 
our  aid,  are  we  not  in  the  same  condition?  Do 
gentlemen  suppose  that  an  expense  of  $70,000  a 
year  will  prevent  the  making  of  this  teli-graph  if 
Great  Britain  considers  it  important  to  her  inter- 
ests in  peace  and  war?  She  pays  now  $900,000 
a  year  for  the  transportation  of  the  mails  between 
the  United  States  and  England.  Do  you  sup- 
pose $70,000  a  year  is  a  sum  which  will  make 
her  pause  if,  on  consideration,  she  presumes  it 
will  be  of  great  benefit  to  her  in  the  event  of  war, 
or  even  in  peace  ? 

1  hold  it  to  be  certain  that  this  telegraph  wire, 
if  practicable,  will  be  laid,  whether  we  consent 
to  It  or  not.  Are  we  not  better  off— is  it  not  a 
fair  arrangement  to  us  if  it  secures  to  our  Gov- 
ernment, as  a  Government,  means  of  communi- 
<;^cn  with  our  agenu  in  Europe  during  time  ol 


peace, 


crested,  in  the 
rprise.  Their 
nothing  nnleB? 
ftt  the  Govern- 
rify  the  sound- 
!vent  of  these 
to  be  accurate. 

0  be  employetl 
wire.  That  ic 
ernment  have 

They  agree, 
jceptance,  that 
the  purpose  of 
dings,  and  wiM 
proposition  to 
;  may  see  fit  in 
nse,  therefore, 
to  our  country 
nent. 

f  it  looked  to 
) a  consequent 
Grrcnt  .Britain. 
t  Government 
)0U  additional, 

2  here,  or  even 
nent  in  sp  nr- 

1  looked  to  its 
■  it  is  of  such 
event  of  war. 
nequaiity  in  a 

0  suppose  that 
of  the  line  ia 
t  once,  if  she 
secure  to  her- 
ngine  for  pur- 
judgment  it  ti 
;men  exa^er- 
ih  in  the  sup- 
jetwecn  Great 
>ou;^h  I  admit 
n  would  tend 
y  of  a  war  of 
riewed  by  the 

1  am  at  a  loss 
le  could  ayail 
d  commenced. 
ty  certain  that 

3  practicable, 
»ter  into  this 
hat  wc  secure 
made  without 
indition?  Do 
!  of  $70,000  a 
is  telegraph  if 
t  to  her  inter- 
low  $900,000 
mails  betwecM 
Do  you  sui>- 
ch  will  make 

I  presumes  it 
event  of  war, 

Icgraph  wire, 
r  we  consent 
—is  it  not  a 
I  to  our  GoT- 
of  communi- 
triag  time  o( 


n 


peace,  although  all  means  are  cut  ofF  in  the  event 
of  war?  Arc  the  terms  asked  too  great?  There 
la  nothing  asked  in  the  first  instance  except  the 
ordinary  use  of  the  vessels  of  the  Navy.  You 
can  comply  with  that  with  only  a  trivial  expense; 
and  it  is  only  in  the  event  of  the  service  being 
successful  that  you  are  to  pay  $70,000,  if  the 
proceeds  of  the  company  do  not  amount  to  six 
per  cent.;  and  if  they  do,  you  are  only  to  pay 
$50,000.  That  is  all  you  are  to  pay  for  the  ex- 
clusive right,  in  connection  with  the  Government 
of  Great  Britain,  of  the  prior  transmission  of  in- 
telligence that  may  be  deemed  important  by  your 
agents  in  Europe,  or  by  your  Government  here 
to  your  agents  there,  to  the  exclusion  of  the  pub- 
lic at  large. 

Is  not  that  of  immense  importance  to  the  Gov- 
•aument  of  this  country?  Is  it  not  of  sufficient 
importance  to  justify  an  expenditure  of  $50,000 
a  year?  In  my  judgment  it  would  justify  an 
expenditure  of  five  times  the  sum  rather  than 
undergo  the  disadvantages  which  you  would  be 
placed  under  by  excluding  yourselves  from  this 
right,  which  is  all  the  right  granted  to  Great 
Britain,  and  which  the  Government  of  Great 
Britain,  when  the  proposition  was  made,  at  once 
accepted  ?  I  confess  I  think  the  terms  of  their 
acceptance  are  in  a  spirit  of  entire  liberality  to 
this  country,  securing  as  they  do  to  this  Gov- 
ernment, as  well  as  to  the  Government  of  Great 
Britain,  equal  rights  throughout.  I  see  no  cause 
for  jealousy  here.  I  see  no  cause  in  this  case, 
whatever  there  may  have  been  in  others,  to  im- 
pute to  the  Government  of  Great  Britain  a  desire 
to  take  any  advantage  from  the  construction  of 
this  submarine  telegraph.  The  terms  are  oflfered, 
and  the  answers  are  before  you.  After  saying 
what  she  is  willing  to  pay,  she  stipulates  (and 
these  are  the  only  things  material  to  us)  that  the 
British  Government  is  to  have  priority  in  the  con- 
veyance of  messages  over  all  others,  except  the 
Government  of  the  United  States;  and  that  as 
between  her  and  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  the  rule  is  to  be,  the  message,  when  re- 
ceived, shall  be  first  transmitted. 

Mr.  MALLORY.  It  seems  to  be  conceded  on 
aU.hands  that  there  is  no  constitutional  objection 
to  the  passage  of  this  bill,  and  the  arguments 
against  it  have  resolved  themselves  into  consid- 
<«ations  of  expediency  solely.  We  may  differ 
SB  to  the  expediency  of  passing  the  bill;  and  I 
have  therefore  noted,  with  a  great  deal  of  care, 
the  objections  taken  in  the  debate  on  the  point  of 
expediency.  I  noticed  particularly  those  from 
the  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Finance,  [Mr. 
Hunter,]  whicii  were  characteristic  of  the  posi- 
tion he  occupies  before  the  Senate  as  chairman  of 
that  committee.  I  will  briefly  notice  these  objec- 
tions, to  show  how  slight  they  are,  and  how  im- 
mediately they  vanish  on  investigation.  The  first 
was  the  gres'  consideration  of  the  cable  parting 
in  laying  down  the  wire.  I  understand  the  Gov- 
ernment is  not  liable  if  the  parties  do  not  succeed 
in  the  enterprise.  The  second  was,  that  we  shall 
pay  more  than  our  dispatches  are  worth.  Who 
knows  it  ?  Who  knows  what  the  dispatches  will 
be  worth  ?  Contingencies  may  arise  in  the  his- 
tory of  this  country  when  a  single  dispatch  may 
be  worth  $5,000  a  word,  or  ten  times  that  sum. 
Another  objection,  one  made  by  the  chairman 
of  the  Judiciary  Cooimittee,  [Mr.  Bvtlbr,]  was, 


that  this  was  simply  a  mail  service  under  the  sur- 
veillance of  Great  Britain  That  is  not  tenable. 
The  authority  given  in  the  bill  to  the  President 
to  contract  with  the  parties  includes  the  power 
of  contracting  on  conditions;  and  we  must  sup- 
pose he  would  be  recreant  to  his  duty  if  he  wer« 
not  to  contract  that  all  dispatches  by,  or  to  th« 
Government  of  the  United  States,  should  pass 
through  its  confidential  agents  alone.  The  sys- 
tem would  not  only  be  worse  than  useless,  but  it 
would  be  a  great  injury  to  us  if  your  communi- 
cations were  to  pass  through  any  other  than  our 
own  confidential  agents;  and  as  a  matter  of  course 
the  President  would  so  contract.  I  had  drawn  up 
an  ame.idment  for  that  purpose;  but  when  I  saw 
that  there  was  in  the  bill  ample  power  for  the 
President  to  do  that,  I  refrained  from  offering  it. 

If  we  decline  the  proposition  made  to  us  by 
this  company,  what  is  to  preclude  Great  Britain 
from  acquiring  the  right  of  exercising  a  surveil- 
lance over  both  termmi  of  the  line  r  And  in  ihc 
exercise  of  this  power,  implying  a  knowledge  of 
every  dispatch  sent  over  it,  we  can  readily  per- 
ceive the  blighting  influence  she  might  at  pleasure 
exercise  upon  our  public  affairs.  Sir,  l  under- 
stand that  my  friend  the  chairman  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  the  Judiciary,  speaking  of  it  as  a  war 
measure,  said  that  the  interests  of  the  two  coun- 
tries will  preserve  peace,  and  no  device  of  this 
kind  will  save  us  from  the  perils  of  war.  I 
concede  that,  but  this  is  one  of  those  measures 
which  multiply  the  interests  of  the  country,  which 
bring  the  cotton-planters  of  his  State  within 
twenty -four  hours  of  the  great  markets  of  Europe. 
It'wilf  take  the  profits  heretofore  shared  by  the 
cotton  speculators  of  Europe,  and  place  tl  em  at 
the  door  of  the  cotton-planter.  He  at  all  times 
during  his  growing  crop  will  have  power  to  know 
what  his  crop  is  worth  in  the  markets  of  Liver- 
pool, which  govern  the  markets  of  the  entire 
world. 

As  a  war  measure  this  project  cannot  be  con- 
sidered. War  will  put  an  end,  as  a  matter  of 
course,  to  all  these  relations.  The  project  con- 
ceived by  the  Senator  from  Ohio  of  neutralizing 
one  portion  of  the  American  continent  was,  1 
presume,  introduced  for  the  simple  purpose  of 
killing  the  bill;  but  certainly  not  with  any  idea 
that  Great  Britain  would  ever  consent  to  neutral- 
ize any  portion  of  Newfoundland,  or  the  oth€r 
side  of  the  continent,  for  our  accommodation  in 
the  event  of  war.  She  has,  in  a  recent  postal 
treaty  with  France,  stipulated  expressly  that  each 
party  shall  have  one  mail  steamer  across  the 
Channel,  which  shall  not  be  molested  or  inter- 
rupted during  war;  but  I  know  of  no  similar  con- 
cession that  she  has  ever  made,  and  certainly  shs 
never  would  make  one  of  this  kind. 

My  friend  from  Illinois  spoke  of  fishing  this 
cable  up.  He  has  not  probably  looked  to  thtt 
details  of  the  soundings  made  by  our  own  sea- 
men, and  to  the  effect  that  tjiis  wire  will  sink 
some  foot  or  more — we  cannot  tell  certainly — 
beneath  the  surface  of  the  bottom  of  the  ocean. 
The  idea  of  fishing  in  between  seventeen  hundred 
and  fiftyand  nineteen  hundred  fathoms  of  water, 
with  an  anchor,  for  this  chain,  is  novel  and  un- 
tenable. 

American  genius,  sir,  has  discovered  or  prac- 
tically devised  the  means,  as  I  conceive,  of  belt- 
ing the  world  instantaneously— of  sending  the 


14 


principles  of  American  freedom,  in  the  language 
of  Shakspeare,  around  the  globe.  In  this  at- 
tempt to  unite  two  continents,  we  are  gravely 
debating  whether  we  will  accept  the  boon  or  not, 
for  it  is  a  voluntary  one  !  The  trifling  sum  of 
money  is  so  small  that  scarcely  a  Senator  here 
objects  to  it  as  a  money  consideration  at  all. 
That  docs  not  enter  into  our  calculations.  If 
there  be  anything  said  on  the  subject,  it  is  sur- 
prise that  we  are  to  get  the  advantages,  as  we 
suppose  them  to  be,  for  so  small  a  sum  of  money. 
I  ahull  vote  for  the  bill. 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  debate  the  bill  was 
passed,  as  follows: 

A  bill  to  expedite  telegraphic  Rommunirntion  for  tlie  uses 
of  the  Gflveminent  in  itt*  foreign  intercourse. 
Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  Home  of  Representative* 
oftKe  1/niti.d  States  of  America  in  Connresi  assembled,  That 
toe  Secretary  of  State,  in  the  discretion  and  under  th« 
direction  of  the  Pretidimt  of  the  United  States,  may  con- 
tract with  any  competent  person,  persons,  or  association, 
for  the  aid  of  the  United  States  in  laying  down  a  submarine 
cable,  to  connect  existing  telegraphs  between  ilie  coast  of 
Newiouodland  and  the  const  of  Ireland,  and  for  the  use  of 
inch  Bubmarine  communiciition,  when  established,  by  the 
Uovernment  of  the  United  States,  on  such  terms  and  con- 
ditions as  shall  seem  to  ttie  President  Just  and  reasonable, 
not  exceeding  $70,O0U  per  annum,  until  the  net  profits  of 
■ucb  person,  or  persons,  or  association,  shail  be  equal  to  a 
dividend  uf  six  per  cent,  per  annum,  and  then  not  exceed- 
ing ^^,0()0  per  annum  for  twenty-flvc  years :  JProvuled, 
That  the  Uovernmont  of  Great  Britain  shall,  before  or  at 
tliu  same  time,  enter  into  a  like  contract  for  those  purposes 
with  the  same  person,  persons,  or  association,  and  upon 
terms  of  exact  equality  with  those  stipulated'by  the  United 
States :  tSnd  provided,  1'hat  the  tarilf  of  prices  for  the  use 
of  such  submarine  communication  by  the  public  shall  be 
fixed  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States 
and  the  tiovcrnmcnt  of  Great  Britain,  or  its  authorized 
igents :  Provided  further,  That  the  United  States  and  the 
cittsens  thereof  shall  enjoy  the  use  of  the  said  submarine 
telegraph  communication  lorn  period  of  flfl;'  years,  on  the 
name  terms  and  condition:^  which  shall  be  stipulated  in 
favor  of  the  Government  of  Great  Britain,  and  the  subjects 
thereof,  in  the  contract  so  to  be  entered  into  by  such  per- 
son, personn,  or  association,  with  that  Government:  Pro- 
vided further.  That  the  contract  so  to  be  made  by  the  British 
(lovemment  shall  not  be  different  from  that  already  pro- 
posed by  that  Government  to  the  New  York,  Newfoundland, 
and  London  Telegraph  Company,  except  such  provisions 
as  may  be  necessury  to  secure  to  each  Government  the 
trajMuiission  of  its  own  messages  by  its  own  agents. 


APPENDIX. 
The  follov/ing  correspondence  is  as  interesting 
as  it  is  pertinent  in  this  connection: 

House  of  REPRESENTA'iivEs, 
Washington,  December  30,  1856. 

Sir:  The  submarine  communication  which  now 
excites  so  much  attention,  both  in  the  Congress 
of  the  United  States  and  the  country,  will,  I  per- 
ceive by  the  mnp  of  the  survey,  teiniiiiatii  on  this 
side  the  Athintic  in  the  British  possessions,  i.  e. 
in  Newfoundland. 

\yill  you  do  me  the  favor,  at  your  earliest  con- 
venience, to  answer  the  following  questions,  to 
wit: 

Is  'here  a  point,  under  our  flag,  which  would 
answer  for  the  western  terminus? 

If  not,  what  are  the  obstructions? 

What  influence  would  it  have  in  a  military 
point  of  view  ? 

Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 
C.  C.  CHAFFEE. 
Lieutenant  Macht,  Ututtd  Slatts  J^avy. 


U.  S.  N.  Observatory  and  Htdroo.  OFriee. 
Washington,  December  31,  1856. 

Sir:  I  have  received  your  note  of  the  30lh 
instant,  making  certain  inquiries  in  relation  to 
the  submarine  telegraph  of  the  Atlantic,  and 
wishing  to  know  what  are  the  obstructions  which 
prevent  the  western  end  of  the  wire  from  being 
Drought  straight  across  the  sea  to  our  own  shores. 

The  difficulties  are  manifold,  and,  in  the  pres- 
ent state  of  the  telegraphic  art,  they  may  be  con- 
sidered insuperable. 

The  shortest  telegraphic  distance  between  the 
British  Islands  and  the  United  States,  without 
touching  English  soil  by  the  way,  is,  in  round 
numbers,  three  thousand  miles, and  the  lightniufi: 
has  never  yet  been  made  to  bear  a  mensnge  tnrougti 
a  continuous  wire  of  such  a  length.  Here,  there- 
fore, is  an  obstruction. 

The  distance  from  the  Western  Islands  to  thr 
nearest  port  on  our  shores  is  about  equal  to  the 
distance  Detwecn  Newfoundland  and  Ireland;  and 
the  distance  between  the  Irish  coast  and  tbs 
Western  islands  is  about  fifteen  hundred  miles. 
Therefore,  with  a  relay  on  the  Western  Islands, 
a  line  from  Ireland,  via  those  Islands,  to  our  own 
shores,  is  electrically  practicable. 

But  !  wire  by  that  route  would  have  to  cross 
the  Atlantic  at  its  deepest  part,  and  then  the 
Portuguese  Government,  as  well  as  the  English, 
would  have  control  of  the  line;  so  that,  in  a  mil- 
itary, commercialjor  politicalpointof  view,  noth- 
ing would  be  gainea  by  unaerrunning  the  At- 
lantic with  the  telegraphic  wires  by  that  route. 
Moreover,  that  route  would  lead  the  wire  across 
a  volcanic  region.  These  constitute  obstructions 
that,  in  the  present  state  of  our  knowledge,  are 
fatal  to  such  a  route. 

The  only  practicable  route  for  a  submarine 
telegraph  between  the  United  States  and  England 
appears  to  be  along  the  "  plateau"  of  the  Atlantic, 
whereon  it  is  proposed  to  lay  the  wire  that  is 
now  in  process  of  construction. 

But  suppose  a  line  were  to  be  constructed  by 
American  enterprise  from  the  British  shores, 
submarine,  ail  the  way  to  one  of  our  sea-port 
towns:  cuiiono?  In  time  of  peace  the  line  along 
the  "  plateau"  would,  by  reason  of  its  great  ad- 
vantages, take  all  the  business;  and  in  war  the 
British  authorities  need  but  cut  the  American 
cord,  or  take  charge  of  its  office  at  the  other  end. 
to  render  the  whole  line  inoperative  or  perfectly 
useless  to  us. 

It  cannot  but  be  regarded  by  every  wise  and 
good  man  as  a  fortunate  circumstance  that  this 
great  enterprise  of  the  sub-Ailaniic  telegrapli  is 
the  joint  work  of  England  and  Ami.rica.  This 
circumstance  ought  of  itself"  to  serve  us  a  guar- 
antee to  the  world  that  in  case  of  war — should 
war  unhappily  ever  be  waged  between  ijiese  two 
nations — that  that  cord  is  never  to  be  broken,  or 
to  be  used  otherwise  than  fret'ly  and  fairly  alike 
by  the  two  nations,  their  citizens  and  subjects. 

We  have  just  seen  the  great  nalioiid  of  Euroor 
emerging  from  the  horrors  of  a  fierce  and  bloouy 
war;  and  yet,  to  their  honor  and  the  glory  of  the 
age  be  it  said,  that  that  strife,  vengeful  though  it 
was,  was  not  savage  enough  to  break  a  single  line 
of  telegraphic  wire.  The  lightninj  ran  to  and 
fro  with  messages  between  St.  Petersburgh  and 
the  capitals  of  France  and  England,  aa  it  now 


does.    Am 
after  that 
means  and 

Suiet  botto 
Jovernmei 
the  face  of 
age,  convt 
turned  aga 
Our  fell 
and  broKg 
sagaciousa 
lying  as  it 
foreign  Po 
Gotha  and 
were  about 
bed  of  th( 
war;  but  th 
and  trustei 
The  Britisl 
use  of  that 
age  is  aga 
the  pale  of 
English  na 
sucn  a  thin 
if  they  cou 
might  as  w 
the  railwajj 
of  abrogati 
be  turned  a 
WhenC 
CO  very,  Fr 
King  of  Fri 
cruisers  de 
in  case  any 
recollect  tl: 
science;"  e 
war  had  or 
they  fall  in 
him,  in  the 
memory  of 
that  act  am 
his  reign. 

A  little  r 
time  confei 
nations  of 
of  their  re| 
of  physica 
form  lor  th 
for  markin 
currents,  tl 
ment  of  thi 
to  his  own 
war,  this  t 
as  a  sacred 
cruisers  of 
ing  in  thii 
touch  that 
This  sul 
ment  whi( 
had  somct 
it  likely  tl 
any  Powe 
it  may  be 
those  nati 
and  joint 
physical  i 
ning  has  bi 
♦•^e  ocean, 
fhissyi 
over  and  c 
exduBiy; 


15 


[tOROO.  OFriCK. 

m&erSl,  1856. 

ote  of  the  30th 
8  in  relation  to 
e  Atlantic,  and 
itructionswhicli 
ivire  from  being 
our  own  shores, 
nd,  in  the  pres- 
ley  may  be  eon- 
ice  between  the 
States,  without 
ly,  is,  in  round 
nd  (he  lightning 
nessnge  til  rough 
1.    Here,  there - 

n  Islands  to  the 
)ut  equal  to  the 
nd  Ireland;  and 
coast  and  tha 
hundred  miJcB. 
''cstern  Islands, 
nds,  to  our  own 

il  have  to  cross 
,  and  then  the 
as  the  Engiinh. 
)  that,  in  a  mil- 
it  of  view,  noth- 
inning  the  Al- 
by  that  route, 
the  wire  across 
ite  obstructions 
tnowledge,  are 

a  submarine 
■8  and  England 
of  the  Atlantic. 
le  wire  that  is 

constructed  by 
British  shores, 
our  sea-port 
3  the  line  along 
of  its  great  ad- 
and  in  war  the 
the  American 
the  other  end. 
ire  or  perfectly 

very  wise  and 
ance  that  tiiis 
ic  telegrapl)  is 
mirica.  This 
rve  us  a  guar- 
war — should 
■een  these  two 
be  broken,  or 
nd  fairly  alik« 
.nd  ■subjects, 
ojid  of  Euroi>r 
Cfi  and  bloouy 
le  glory  of  th'tt 
^cful  though  it 
ik  a  single  line 
J  ran  to  and 
lersburgh  and 
ad,  aa  it  now 


does.  And  in  case  of  war  with  this  country, 
after  that  electric  cord  is  stretched  by  the  Joint 
means  and  enterprise  of  the  two  people  upon  the 
quiet  bottom  of  the  deep  sea,  neither  of  the  two 
Governments  would  dare  take  that  cord,  and,  in 
the  face  of  the  Christian  States  and  people  of  the 
age,  convert  it  into  a  military  engine,  to  be 
turned  against  its  joint  owners  and  partners. 

Our  fellow-citizens  who  contrived,  planned, 
and  brought  forward  this  noble  work,  are  too 
sagacious  and  patriotic  not  to  have  perceived  that, 
lyin^  as  it  does  wholly  within  the  control  of  a 
foreign  Power,  that  Power,  were  it  a  nation  of 
Goths  and  Vandals,  might  turn  the  path  they 
were  about  to  make  for  the  lightning  along  the 
bed  of  the  ocean  against  their  own  country  in 
war;  but  they  knew  the  people  on  the  other  side, 
and  trusted  to  higher  and  nobler  sentiments. 
The  British  Government  interfere  with  the  free 
use  of  that  cable  even  in  war !  The  spirit  of  the 
age  is  against  such  an  act,  and  no  State  within 
the  pale  of  Christendom,  much  less  that  great 
English  nation  of  noble  people,  would  dare  to  do 
such  a  thing.  Her  people  and  rulers  would  not 
if  they  could;  they  could  not  if  they  would.  We 
might  as  well  think  of  tearing  up  now,  in  peace, 
the  railways  between  Canada  and  the  States,  or 
of  abrogating  the  steam-engine  because  it  may 
be  turned  against  us  in  war. 

When  Captain  Cook  was  on  his  voyage  of  dis- 
covery, Prance  and  England  were  at  war.  The 
King  of  France  was  requested  not  to  let  his  armed 
eruisers  destroy  the  records  of  that  expedition 
in  case  any  of  them  should  fall  in  with  it.  You 
recollect  the  noble  reply:  "  I  war  not  against 
science;"  and  forthwith  every  French  man-of- 
war  had  orders  to  treat  Cook  as  a  friend,  should 
they  fall  in  with  him;  and  assist,  not  interrupt 
him,  in  the  object  of  his  cruise.  To  this  day  the 
memory  of  that  King  is  held  in  more  esteem  for 
that  act  and  sentiment  than  for  any  other  act  of 
his  reign. 

A  little  more  than  three  years  ago,  at  the  mari- 
time conference  of  Brussels,  where  the  principal 
nations  of  the  world  assembled  in  the  persons 
of  their  representatives  to  devise  a  uniform  plan 
of  physical  research  at  sea,  and  to  report  the  best 
form  for  the  abstract  log  to  be  used  on  board  ship 
for  marking  the  observations  upon  its  winds  and 
currents,  those  functionaries  alluded  to  this  senti- 
ment of  the  French  Monarch,  and  appealed  each 
to  his  own  Government  to  order  that,  in  case  of 
war,  this  abstract  log  should  also  be  regarded 
as  a  sacred  thing.  It  is  made  so.  The  armed 
cruisers  of  the  various  nations  that  are  cooperat- 
ing in  this  system  of  research  are  required  to 
touch  that  record  with  none  but  friendly  hands. 

This  submarine  fclcgraphic  line  is  an  achieve- 
ment which  this  very  system  of  research  has 
had  something  to  do  in  lirincing  about;  and  is 
it  likely  that  it  will  or  can  be  monopolized  by 
any  Power  for  war  purposes  ?  Fairly  and  clearly 
it  may  be  considorcd  as  the  joint  property  of 
those  nations  who  are  oporiiting  as  coworkers 
and  joint  colaborcrs  in  tliat  beautiful  system  of 
physical  research  by  which  a  way  for  the  light- 
ning has  been  discovered  under  the  sea  and  across 
•''e  ocean. 

This  system  of  research,  it  has  been  proclaimed 
over  and  over  again,  was  not  undertaken  for  the 
exdufliy^  Advantage  of  any  one  people  or  nation, 


but  for  the  benefit  of  commerce,  the  advancement 
of  science,  and  for  tbe  benefit  and  improvemcAt 
of  the  whole  human  family;  and  with  this  under- 
standing the  nations  of  Europe  entered  into  it. 

Being  joint  owners  and  equal  participators  ia 
such  a  great  enterprise  as  this,  we  may  with  pro- 
priety, under  these  circumstances,  demand  a  fair 
participation  in  all  its  advantages. 

But  suppose  we  should  stand  aloof,  and  that 
the  enterprise  now  on  foot  should  be  abandoned 
by  our  citizens  and  Government,  and  then  sup- 
pose war  to  come;  in  less  than  six  months  after 
Its  declaration,  the  British  Government  could,  on 
its  own  account,  have  a  wire  stretched  alone  this 
telegraphic  plateau  between  Newfoundland  and 
Ireland. 

You  do  not  desire  me  in  your  note  to  consider 
the  christianizing, political, social, and  peace-pre- 
serving influences  which  this  fascicle  of  copper 
threads,  when  once  stretched  upon  the  bed  or  the 
ocean,  is  to  have,  and  therefore  I  do  not  offer 
any  of  the  views  which  present  themselves  from 
such  a  stand-point.  This  much,  however,  I  may 
say:  submarine  telegraphy  is  in  its  infancy,  bat 
il  IS  in  the  act  of  making  the  stride  of  a  full-grown 
giant;  and  no  problem  can  to  my  mind  be  naore 
satisfactorily  demonstrated  than  is  the  practica- 
bility of  realily,  and  almost  without  risk,  laying 
the  wire  from  land  to  land  upon  this  "  telegraphic 
plateau"  of  the  Atlantic. 

Respectfully,  &c.  M.  F.  MAURY. 

Hon.  C.  C.  Chaffee, 

House  of  RepresenlalivtSy  Wasliii^ton. 


London,  Five  o'clock,  a.  m., 
October  3,  1856. 

Mt  dear  Sir:  As  the  electrician  of  the  New 
York,  Newfoundland,  and  London  Telegraph 
Company,  it  is  with  the  highest  gratification  that 
I  have  to  apprise  you  of  the  result  of  our  experi- 
ments of  this  morning  upon  a  single  continuous 
conductor  of  more  than  two  thousand  miles  in 
extent,  a  distance  you  will  perceive  sufficient  to 
cross  the  Atlantic  ocean,  from  Newfoundland  to 
Ireland. 

The  admirable  arrangements  made  at  the  Mag- 
netic Telegraph  Office  in  Old  Broad  street,  for  con- 
necting ten  subterranean  gutta-percha  insulated 
conductors,  of  over  two  hundred  miles  each,  so 
as  to  give  one  continuous  length  of  more  than 
two  thousand  miles  during  the  hoursof  the  night, 
when  the  telegraph  is  not  commercially  employed, 
furnished  us  the  means  of  conclusively  settling, 
by  actual  experiment,  the  question  of  the  practi- 
cability ns  well  as  the  practicality  of  telegraph- 
ing through  our  proposed  Atlantic  cable. 

This  result  had  been  thrown  into  some  doubt 
by  ihe  discovery,  more  than  two  years  since,  of 
certain  phenomena  upon  subterranean  and  sub- 
marine conductors,  and  had  attracted  the  atten- 
tion of  electricians,  particularly  of  that  most  em- 
inent philosopher  Professor  Faraday,  and  that 
clear-sighted  investigator  of  electrical  phenomena 
Dr.  Whitehouse;  and  one  of  these  phenomena, 
to  wit:  the  perceptible  retardation  of  the  electric 
current,  threatened  to  perplex  our  operations, and 
required  careful  investigation  before  we  could 
pronounce  with  certainty  the  commercial  practi- 
cability of  the  Ocean  Telegraph.  ^ 


16 


I  am  moat  happy  to  inform  you  that,  &ti  a 
crowning  result  of  a  long  series  of  experimental 
inresligation  and  inductive  reasoning  upon  this 
subject,  the  experiments  under  the  direction  of 
Dr.  Whitehouse  and  Mr.  Bright,  which  I  wit- 
nessed this  morning, — in  which  the  induction 
coils  and  receiving  magnets,  as  mouified  by  these 
gentlemen,  were  made  to  actuate  one  of  my  re- 
cording instruments, — have  most  satisfactorily 
resolved  all  doubts  of  the  practicability  as  well 
as  practicality  of  operating  the  telegraph  from 
Newfoundland  to  Ire'and.  I 

Although  we  telegraphed  signals  at  the  rate  of  j 
910,  S4I,  and,  according  to  the  count  at  one  time, 
even  of  S70  per  minute  upon  my  telegraphic  regis-  i 
ter,  (which  speed,  you  will  perceive,  is  at  a  rate  I 
commercially  advantageous,)  these  results  were  j 
accomplished  notwithstanding  many  disadvant- 1 
ages  in  our  arrangements  of  a  temporary  and  j 
local  character — disadvantages  which  will  nut 
occur  ill  the  use  of  cur  submarine  cable.  | 

Having  passed  the  whole  night  with  my  active  | 
and  agreeaolc  collaborators.  Dr.  Whitehouse  and  j 
Mr.  Bright,  without  sleep,  you  will  excuse  the  | 
hurried  and  brief  character  of  this  note,  which  I 
could  not 'refrain  from  sending  you,  since  our  j 
experiments  this  morning  settle  the  scientific  I 
and  eommercial  points  of  our  enterprise  satisfac-  j 
torily.  I 

With  respect  and  esteem,  your  obedient. servant, 

SAMUEL  F.  B.  MORSE. 
To  Ctrus  W.  Field,  Esq.,  Vice  President  of  the 
.A/eu>  York,  JiTewfoundland,  and  London  Telegraph 
Company,  37  Jermyn  «'»•««(,  St.  James's  street. 

London,  October  10,  1856. 

Mr  DEAR  Sir:  After  having  given  the  deepest 
consideration  to  the  subject  of  our  successful 
experiments  the  other  night,  when  we  signalled 
clearly  and  rapidly  through  an  unbroken  circuit 
of  subterranean  conducting  wire,  over  two  thou- 
sand miles  in  length,  I  sit  down  to  give  you  the 
result  of  my  reflections  and  calculations. 

There  can  be  no  question  but  that,  with  a  cable 
contpining  a  single  conducting  wire,  of  a  size  not 
exceeding  that  through  which  we  worked,  and 
■with  equal  inaulation,  it  would  be  easy  to  telegraph 
from  Ireland  to  Newfoundland  ht  a  speed  of  at 
least  from  eight  to  ten  words  per  minute;  nay, 
more:  the  varying  rates  of  speed  at  which  we 
worked,  depending  as  they  did  upon  diflferences 
in  the  arrangement  of  the  apparatus  employed, 
do  of  themselves  prove  that  even  a  higher  rate 
than  this  is  attainable.  Take  it,  however,  at  ten 
words  in  the  minute,  and  allowing  ten  words  for 
name  and  address,  we  can  safely  calculate  upon 
the  transmission  of  a  twenty-word  message  in 
three  minutes; 

Twenty  such  messages  in  the  hour; 

Pour  hundred  and  eighty  in  the  twenty-four 
hours,  or  fourteen  thousand  four  hundred  words 
per  day. 

Such  are  the  capabilities  of  a  single  wire  cable 
fair!/  and  moderately  computed. 

It  is,  however,  evident  to  me,  that  by  im- 
prcvementi  in  the  arrangement  of  the  signals 


themselves,  aided  by  the  adoption  of  a  code  or 
system  constructed  upon  the  principles  of  the 
best  nautical  code,  as  8ua;geated  by  Dr.  While- 
house,  we  may  at  least  double  ti.*;  speed  in  the 
tranpmission  of  our  messages. 

As  to  ihe  structure  of  the  cable  itself,  the  last 
spec'm<»n  which  I  examined  with  you  seemed  to 
combine  so  admirably  the  necessary  qualities  of 
strength,  flexibility,  and  lightness,  with  perfect 
insulation,  tlu>t  I  can  no  longer  have  any  mis- 
gividgs  about  the  ca&c  and  safety  with  which  it 
will  be  Bubniorgcd. 

In  one  word,  the  doubts  are  resolved,  the  diffi- 
culties overcome,  success  is  within  our  reach, 
and  the  great  feat  of  the  century  must  shortly  )m 
accomplished. 

I  would  urge  you,  if  the  nanufacture  can  be 
completed  within  the  timo,  (and  all  things  are 
possible  row,)  to  prcsd  forward  the  good  work, 
and  not  to  lose  the  chance  of  laying  it  during  the 
ensuing  su;iimer. 

Before  the  close  of  the  present  month,  I  hope 
to  be  again  landed  safely  on  the  other  side  of  tiic 
water,  and  I  full  well  know,  that  on  all  hands  the 
inquiries  of  most  interest  with  which  I  shall  bo 
met,  will  be  about  the  Ocean  Telegraph. 

Much  as  I  have  enjoyed  my  European  trip  this 
year,  it  would  enhance  the  gratification  which  1 
nave  derived  from  it  more  than  I  ciin  describe  to 
you,  if  on  my  return  to  America  I  could  bo  the 
first  bearer  to  my  frienc'.s  of  the  welcome  intelli- 
gence that  the  great  work  had  been  begun,  by  tho 
commencement  of  the  manufacture  of  the  cable 
to  connect  Irchnd  with  the  line  of  the  New  York, 
Newfoundland,  and  London  Telegraph  ^/ompa- 
ny,  now  so  successfully  completed  to  St.  John"'. 

Respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

SAMUEL  F.  B.  MORSE. 
To  Ctrub  W.  Field,  Esti.,  Vice  President  qfthe 
^ew  Yorkf  'Muifoundland,  and  London  Teltgrapk 
Company, 

January  27, 1857.  The  following  dispatch  was 
received  here  this  morning.  When  it  is  consid- 
picd  that  the  difference  in  time  between  St.  Johns, 
Newfoundland,  and  this  city  is  little  over  one  hour, 
and  that  the  message  was,  owing  to  the  use  of 
different  instruments,  and  the  working  of  separate 
electric  circuits,  rewritten  no  less  than  six  times, 
the  fact  that  it  was  received  just  one  hour  biforc 
it  was  sent,  may  be  understood;  and  show  the 
wonderful  expedition  in  the  transmission  of  intel- 
ligence from  this  to  Europe  when  the  Atlantic 
line  is  completed: 

St.  Johns,  (N.  F.,)  Toesdat,  11  a.  m.,  January  97 
CvRus  W.  Field,  Kational  Hotel,  WasKington  : 

I  think  you  will  approve  of  tho  rcasona  in  I'avor  o4 
Trinity  Bay  for  tlie  landing  of  the  Atlantic  cable. 

A,  BIIEA. 

P.  8.  This  message  was  received  at  the  House  Printine 
Telegraph  office,  Washington,  D,  C,  at  ten  o'clocK  a.  m. 
J.  L.  ELLIOTT,  Operator. 

The  distance  from  St.  Johns  to  Washington  is 
nineteen  hundred  and  sixty  miles  by  the  route  of 
the  telegraph. 


